translated by Shlomo Felberbaum

Text and photographs Copyright © 1999—2003 Lost Trails
all rights reserved

Installment 33

So Leutychides, Menares’ son, when Demaretus had been deposed, succeeded to the kingdom and to him was born a child, Zeuxidemus, and it was he whom indeed some of the Spartiates were calling Cyniskus. That Zeuxidemus became not king of Sparta: for before Leutychides he met his end and he left a child, Archidemus. Then Leutychides, bereft of Zeuxidemus, married a second wife, Eurydame, who was Menius’ sister and Diactorides’ daughter, of whom to him no male was born, but a daughter, Lampito, whom Archidemus, Zeuxidemus’ son, married, when Leutychides had given her to him.

No, not even Leutychides was growing old in Sparta, but a payment like this for Demaretus he paid out: he was general at Thessaly and, it being possible to cause all to be under his hand for himself, he received a bribe of much silver and, caught in the act right there in the camp of sitting on a glove full of silver, he was exiled fom Sparta, after he had been brought under a place of judgement’s power, and his house was demolished. So he was exiled at Tegea and met his end in that land.

That indeed happened later in time and then, when for Cleomenes the affair against Demaretus had been set afoot, immediately he took over Leutychides and went against the Aeginetians, because an awful grudge against them on account of their public muddying he had. Thus indeed both the Aeginetians, both kings being present against them, thought no longer just to stand in opposition and those, having selected for themselves the ten men among the Aeginetians worth the most in both wealth and birth, were leading both others and, in particular, Crius, Polycritus’ son, and Casambus, Aristocrates’ son, the very ones who had greatest might, and, having led them to Attic land, they put them down for themselves as a deposit among those most hostile to the Aeginetians, the Athenians.

Then after that of Cleomenes, when he had become detected in having acted evilly with art against Demaretus, a fear of the Spartiates took hold and he secretly got out to Thessaly. And, having come thence to Arcadia, he was doing newer deeds by causing the Arcadians to stand against Sparta and he was bringing other oaths to them that yea verily they would follow him wherever he led them out and, in particular, to the city of Nonacris he was eager those among the Arcadians who were the chiefs to fetch and to make swear strongly by Styx’ water, as in that city is said to be by the Arcadians Styx’ water and, in particular, it is something like this: a little water appears from a rock and drips into a bowl and round the bowl runs a circle of walling. And Nonacris, in which that spring in fact is, is a city in Arcadia near Pheneus.

Then having learned that Cleomenes was doing that, the Lacedaemonians were leading him back in fear on the same terms as those on which also previously he was ruling. And when he had gone back, immediately a madness, an illness, overtook him, although he was even previously somewhat more crazy: for whenever he happened on any of the Spartiates, he dashed against the face his scepter.

So, because he was doing that and had become out of his wits, his relatives bound him in wood. Then he, bound, when he had seen his guard had been left alone, apart from all the others, demanded a dagger and, when he wanted at the first not to give it, was threatening what he would do to him when he was released, until in fear at the threats the guard, because he was one of the helots, gave him a dagger. So Cleomenes, having taken over the iron instrument, began from his shins to multilate himself; for in cutting superficially lengthwise the parts of his flesh he went on progressively from his shins to his thighs and from his thighs to his hips and his flanks, until he came to his belly and by slicing that died in a manner like that, in that, as the greater number of the Greeks say, he had persuaded Pythia to give the account about Demaretus, or on account of the fact that, as the Athenians say, he had thrown into Eleusis and was shearing the precinct of the gods, or in that, as the Argives say, from their shrine of Argos those of the Argives who had taken refuge after the battle he was bringing down and chopping up and, holding the grove itself in lack of account, he had burned it down.

For to Cleomenes, when he was consulting the prophet in Delphi, an oracle was given that he would take Argos. And when, leading the Spartiates, he had come to the river Erasinus, which is said to flow from the Stymphelian lake—for indeed that lake disembogues into an invisible chasm and reappears in Argos and thence by then that water is called Erasinus by the Argives—hence Cleomenes, having come to that river, was sacrificing for himself to it. Because in fact the omens were not favorable to cross it, he asserted he admired the Erasinus for not betraying its fellow-citizens, but not even thus would the Argives be unpunished. Then afterwards he went back out and brought the host down to Thyrea and, when he had sacrificed to the sea a bull, in boats he brought them to the Tirynsian country and Nauplia.

Then the Argives were coming to the rescue, when they were learning of that by inquiry, to the sea. And when they were coming to be near Tiryns and in that place, to which is given Sepeia as a name, having left open no great space between the armies, they sat opposite the Lacedaemonians. There indeed the Argives were not afraid of battle in the open, but lest by treachery they be taken. For in fact indeed for them to that matter the oracle was relating that Pythia had proclaimed in common to those and the Milesians and was speaking this way:

Well, whenever the female the male in defeat
Drives out and glory among the Argives raises up,
Many women of Argives cheeks torn then she’ll make.
Thus someday a human being too who’ll be’ll say:
“A dread serpent thrice-coiled perished tamed by lance”

All that indeed, having come together, was furnishing fear to the Argives. And indeed to them thereupon it seemed good to make use of the herald of their enemies and, it having seemed good to them, they acted like this: whenever the Spartiate herald indicated anything forth to the Lacedaemonians, the Argives also did that same thing.

So Cleomenes, having learned the Argives did whatever at all their herald indicated, announced off to them that, whenever the herald indicated they should have breakfast, then they should take up their arms and go against the Argives. That in fact came to be brought to completion by the Lacedaemonians; for to the Argives, while they were having breakfast on the basis of the herald’s proclamation, they applied themselves and many of them they killed and somewhat far more, when they had taken refuge in the grove of Argos, they were sitting round and guarding.

Then thereafter Cleomenes was acting like this: as he had men, deserters, and was learning by inquiry from those, he was calling forth by sending a herald and speaking of by name those of the Argives who had been shut off in the shrine and he was calling forth them and asserting that he had their ransom. And as ransom on the Peloponnesians is imposed two minae for a man captured by spear for paying out. Hence indeed about fifty of the Argives, them each in their own way, Cleomenes was calling forth for himself and killing. And that somehow, while it was happening, had escaped the noticed of those left in the precinct; for, inasmuch as the grove was thick, those within could not see those without, in what way they were faring, at any rate until indeed one of them went up on a tree and saw below what was being done. Hence indeed no longer, when they were being called, would they go out.

Thereupon indeed Cleomenes was bidding every one of the helots make a pile with wood round the grove and, when they had obeyed, he burned down the grove. And, when it was being burnt, by then he asked one of the deserters whose among the gods was the grove, and he asserted it was Argos’. Then he, when he had heard, he let out a loud sigh and said, “O Apollo of the oracle, verily greatly you have deceived me by asserting for yourself that I would take Argos. And I suppose the oracle is fulfilled for me”.

Then after that Cleomenes let go away the greater part of his host to go away to Sparta and he himself took the thousand best men and went to Hera’s temple to sacrifice. And, when he wanted to sacrifice on the altar, the priest was forbidding it and asserted it was not holy for a stranger to sacrifice on the very spot. So Cleomenes bade the helots bring away from the altar and whip the priest and he himself sacrificed. And, having done that, he went away to Sparta.

Then, when he had returned, his enemies were bringing him under the power of the ephors and asserted for themselves that he had received a bribe and not taken Argos, it being possible for him to take it easily. But he said to them—neither whether by way of falsifying nor whether by way of saying a true statement am I able to speak distinctly—anyhow, he said and asserted for himself that, when indeed he had taken Argos’ shrine, it seemed to him the oracle of the god had been fulfilled; hence thereupon he thought not just to make trial of the city, at least before indeed he should consult shrines and learn whether the god would perform a giving over or stand in the way. So for him, while he was seeking omens in Hera’s temple, from the image’s chest a flame of fire shone forth and he himself learned thus the truth, that he would not take Argos; for, if from the head of the image it had shone forth, he would have taken the city citadel and all, but, since it had shone forth from the chest, everything had been done by him that the god wanted to happen. So, by saying that, credible and reasonable statements he seemed to the Spartiates to say and fled far from his pursuers.

So Argos of men was so bereaved that their slaves got hold of all the affairs and they were ruling and managing until the sons of those who had perished came to manhood. Thereafter those in reacquiring Argos back for themselves threw them out and, when they being thrust out, the slaves by battle got hold of Tiryns. For a while indeed for them things were friendly in relation to each other, but thereafter to the slaves went a man, a prophet, Cleander, who in birth was a Phigalian from Arcadia. That one convinced the slaves to apply themselves to their masters and from that time war was theirs for a long time, until indeed with difficulty the Argives prevailed.

Now, the Argives on account of that assert that Cleomenes went mad and perished evilly and the Spartiates themselves assert that from no divine source Cleomenes went mad, but, when he had consorted with the Scythians, he became a drinker of undiluted wine and from that went mad. For the pastoral Scythians, when Darius had thrown into their country, after that desired to exact a price from him and, after they had sent to Sparta, they were forming an allliance and were agreeing that the Scythians themselves had along the Phasis river try to throw into the Median land and they had to bid the Spartiates, making their base on Ephesus, go up and thereafter meet at the same place. So Cleomenes, they say, after the Scythians were present for that, was consorting with them more greatly and, consorting more than what was becoming, he learned the drinking of undiluted wine from them. And from that he went mad the Spartiates believe. Since so long a time, as they themselves say, whenever they want to have a purer drink, they say, “Act on Scythian”. Thus indeed the Spartiates give the account about Cleomenes and it seems to me that that as payment Cleomenes to Demaretus paid out.

Then, after Cleomenes had met his end, when the Aeginetians had learned of it by inquiry, they were sending to Sparta messengers to shout out against Leutychides concerning those who were being held as hostages in Athens. So the Lacedaemonians, having brought together a place of judgement, decided that the Aeginetians had been treated very insolently by Leutychides and they condemned him surrendered to be brought to Aegina in compensation for the men who were being held in Athens. And, when the Aeginetians were to bring Leutychides, there said to them Theasides, Leoprepes’ son, who was an esteemed man in Sparta, “What are you taking counsel to do, men of Aegina? The king of the Spartiates, after he has become surrendered by his fellow-citizens, to bring? If now, making use of anger, the Spartiates thus gave judgement, see that at a later time they not for you, if you do that, anything completely destructive throw into your country”. Having heard that, the Aeginetians held themselves from the bringing and made use of an agreement like this, that Leutychides attend on them to Athens and give back to the Aeginetians the men.

And, when, having come to Athens, Leutychides was demanding back the deposit, the Athenians were drawing out excuses, because they wanted not to perform a giving back, and asserted that they, being two kings, made the deposit and they thought not just for one without the other to perform a giving back. So, since the Athenians were asserting for themselves that they would not perform a giving back, there said to them Leutychides this: “O Athenians, do whatever you yourselves want; for in fact, if you perform a giving back, you perform a holy act and, if you do not perform a giving back, the contrary of that. However, what kind of a thing in Sparta happened to come about concerning a deposit, I want to speak to you. We Spartiates say there came to be in Lacedaemon during the third generation back from me Glaucus, Epicydes’ son. That man, we assert, attained to all the other first things and, in particular, was spoken of best concerning justice of all who were settled in Lacedaemon during that time. And it happened to him in a becoming time this we say, that a Milesian man, having come to Sparta, wanted to go to speeches with him and was putting forth a proposal like this: ‘I am a Milesian and have come, because I want of yours, Glaucus, the justice to have the benefit of. For, since indeed throughout all the rest of Greece and moreover also round Ionia of your justice was much speech, I was giving speech to myself both in that Ionia from time immemorial on each and every occasion has been in danger, while the Peloponnese is safely set up and on account of the fact that it is not at all possible to see the same ones’ having money, and hence, when I was considering that and taking counsel, it seemed good to me to turn half of my property to silver and deposit it for myself with you, since I knew well that for me it would lie with you safe and sound. You indeed for me both receive the money and keep bringing to safety and take hold of these as tokens. And to that one, whoever has those and performs a demanding back, perform a giving back’. The stranger who had come from Miletus said that much and Glaucus received the deposit on the stated condition. Then, when a long time had gone by, there went to Sparta the children of that one who had deposited the money for himself and, when they had gone to speeches with Glaucus and were showing forth the tokens, they were demanding back the money. But he was performing a thrusting aside for himself and offering in reply an answer like this: ‘Neither do I remember the matter nor does any of those accounts you are giving bring me round to knowing and I want to remember and do everything just, that is, in fact, if I performed a taking hold, to perform a giving back correctly. And, if at any rate to begin with I performed no taking hold, I will make use of the laws of the Greeks against you. Hence that decision for you I am putting off ratifying to the fourth month from this time’.

“Then the Milesians, considering it a misfortune, departed, on the ground that they had been bereaved of their money, and Glaucus was making his way to Delphi to consult the oracle for an oracle. So, when he was asking of the oracle whether with an oath he should pirate away the money, Pythia went after him with these epic verses:

Glaucus, Epicydes’, forthwith is more gain thus
With oath to win and money to pirate away.
Swear, since death awaits even a man of good oath.
But Oath’s son is nameless; both no hands are on him
And no feet and swift he goes after until all
The born he grasps and destroys and quite all the house.
But a man of good oath’s line’s better hereafter.

“Having heard that, Glaucus was begging the god to hold out a pardon for him for what had been said. Then Pythia asserted to make trial of the god and to perform the act had equal power. Glaucus indeed, having sent for the Milesian strangers, gave them back their money. And the reason for which this account, o Athenians, was begun to be said to you will be said: now neither Glaucus’ is any descendant at all nor any hearth considered to be Glaucus’; in short, he has been completely wiped out of Sparta from the roots. Thus it’s good not even to have another thought, at any rate, concerning a deposit than, when men are performing a demanding back, to perform a giving back”. Leutychides, having said that, when to him not even thus would the Athenians listen, departed.

And the Aeginetians, before they paid the penalties for the earlier injustices that they had insolently done to the Athenians in gratifying the Thebans, acted like this: finding fault with the Athenians and supposing that they were wronged, with the intention that they would exact punishment they prepared themselves. Because in fact there was indeed for the Athenians a festival that took place every five years at Sunium, hence having laid in wait for the sightseeing ship, they gained hold of it full of the first Athenian men and, when they had taken hold of the men, they bound them.

Then the Athenians, having suffered that at the Aeginetians’ hands, no longer were putting off contriving their all against the Aeginetians. Because in fact there was a Nicodromus, who Cnoethus’ son was called, an esteemed man in Aegina, that one who was finding fault with the Aeginetians for the earlier driving out of himself from the island and had learned then that the Athenians were willing to treat the Aeginetians badly, he compacted with the Athenians a betrayal of Aegina and pointed out the day on which he would lay hands on and in which those would have to be present and come to the rescue. After that Nicodemus took complete hold of, according as he had compacted with the Athenians, the city that was called the ancient, but the Athenians came not to be present opportunely.

For in fact there were not theirs ships battle-worthy to give battle to those of the Aeginetians. Hence, while they were requesting of the Corinthians to lend them ships, in that time their affairs were destroyed. Then the Corinthians, because they were to them during that time friends in the highest degree, gave the Athenians at their requesting twenty ships and gave them by selling them at five drachmas apiece; for a gift in their law it was not permitted to give. So the Athenians, having taken those and their own and having filled seventy ships in all, were sailing for Aegina and came one day later than the agreed on.

Then Nicodromus, when the Athenians came not to be present at the right time, stepped into a boat and ran away from Aegina and with him others too from among the Aeginetians followed, to whom the Athenians gave Sunium to settle in. And there those made their base and they robbed and plundered the Aeginetians on the island.

That indeed was happening later and the rich among the Aeginetians over the people, when they had stood up against them together with Nicodemus, gained mastery and thereafter, having worsted them, they were leading them out for destroying. And because of that in fact a pollution came about for them that they proved not able to expiate with sacrifices, although they were making contrivances; rather they did not act in time, as they were thrown out of the island earlier before the goddess proved propitious to them. For indeed having captured alive seven hundred of the people, they were leading them out with the intention that they would destroy them and some one person among them, having escaped from his bonds, fled down to the doorways of Demeter the statute-bringer and, having taken hold on the door-knobs, was clinging to them. And they, when they were proving not able to draw him away by dragging him away, cut off his hands and were leading him thus and those hands were in state of clutching onto the door-knobs.

Now, that against themselves the Aeginetians worked out and with the Athenians at their being present they fought a naval battle with seventy ships and, having been worsted in the naval battle, they called on the same ones as previously, the Argives. And indeed for them those would no longer come to the rescue, because they were finding fault that ships of Aegina, taken with force by Cleomenes, kept at the Argolid country and joined with the Lacedaemonians in landing and there joined in landing also men from Sicyonian ships in that same invasion. And on them by the Argives was imposed as a penalty to pay out a thousand talents, five hundred each. Now, the Sicyonians, having admitted that they had acted unjustly, agreed to pay out a hundred talents and be free of payment, but the Aeginetians both refused to make an admission for themselves and were more stubborn. Indeed on account of that for them at their requesting from the public force no one of the Argives any longer came to the rescue, but voluntarily to the number of a thousand and there was leading them as general, Eurybates, a man who practiced the pentathlon. Of those the greater number returned not away back, but they met with their end through the agency of the Athenians in Aegina, and their general himself, Eurybates, by practicing single combat three men in a manner like that killed and through the agency of the fourth, Sophanes, Deceles’ son, died.

And the Aeginetians, when the Athenians were in disarray, having given battle to them with their ships, won and of four ships of theirs with their men and all they took hold.

By the Athenians indeed war was joined against the Aeginetians, and the Persian was doing his own deed, seeing that his servant on each and every occasion was reminding him to remember the Athenians and the sons of Peisistratus were engaged in a sitting down against and slandering the Athenians, while at the same time he, Darius, wanted to cling to that pretext and subject those of Greece who had not given him earth and water. Mardonius indeed, who had fared poorly with his expedition, he discharged from his generalship and, having appointed other generals, he was dispatching them off against Eretria and Athens, Datis, being a Mede in birth, and Artaphrenes, Artaphrenes’ son, his own brother’s son. So he was sending them away with the injunction to lead into complete captivity Athens and Eretria and bring the captives up into his sight.

And, when those generals who had been appointed in making their way from the king had come in Cilicia to the Aleian plain and at the same time were bringing with themselves a large and well-prepared foot army, thereupon up on them, while they were encamping, came the whole naval army that had been assigned to each and also the horse-bringing ships came to be present, which the year before Darius had proclaimed to his tributary ones to make ready. Then, having put the horses into those and made the foot army step in, he was sailing with six hundred triremes to Ionia and thence not alongside the mainland they were keeping the ships straight to the Hellespont and Thrace, but, making their base on Samos, alongside Icarus and through islands they were accomplishing their sailing, as far as for my part it seems to me, in fear most of the sailing round Athos, in that the year before in engaging in their conveyance there they stumbled greatly and, in addition, Naxos was compelling them since it had not been captured previously.

And when in approaching from the Icarian open sea they had reached Naxos, because against that indeed first the Persians were intending to advance with an army, the Naxians, remembering the previous events, were fleeing to the mountains and were gone and waited behind not. Then the Persians, having led into captivity those of them that they had overtaken, burned down both the shrines and the city. And, having done that, for all the other islands they were leading themselves out to sea.

And in the time when those were doing that, the Delians, even themselves, having abandoned Delos, fled and were gone to Tenos. Then, his host sailing down, Datis sailed in front and allowed the ships not to come to anchor at Delos, but on the other side in Rhenaea and he himself, having learned by inquiry where the Delians were was sending a herald and saying publicly this: “Holy men, why have you fled and are gone, after you have formed no suitable opinions against? For I, even myself, am minded for so great a thing at any rate and on me by the king this way it has been enjoined, that country, in which the two gods were born, not to harm, neither the country itself nor its inhabitants. Therefore, now both go away to your own places and inhabit your island”. That message he sent by herald to the Delians and afterwards three hundred talents of frankincense he piled on the altar and burnt.

Datis indeed, having done that, was sailing together with his army against Eretria first and at the same time was bringing with himself both Ionians and Aeolians. Then, after that one’s having been brought up and out thence, Delos was set in motion and, as the Delians say, was made to undergo the first and the last shaking up to my time. And that, I suppose, as a portent for human beings of the evils that were to be the god brought to light. For in the time of Darius, Hystaspes’ son, and Xerxes, Darius’ son, and Artaxerxes, Xerxes’ son, of those three generations consecutively, there came to be more evils for Greece than over the extent of the twenty generations that had come to be before Darius, and some in consequence of the Persians came to be for it and some in consequence of the chief peoples themselves’ waging war concerning the rule. Thus it was nothing unnatural that Delos was set in motion, when it had been unmoved previously. Also in an oracle it was written concerning about it this way:

I’ll move even Delos, although it was unmoved.

And those names mean in the Greek, Darius “Doer”, Xerxes “Warrior”, Artaxerxes “Great Warrior”. Those kings indeed this way correctly in their own language the Greeks would call.

So the barbarians, when they had lifted off from Delos, touched at the islands and thence they were taking over a host and taking as hostages the islanders’ children. Then, when in their sailing round the islands they had touched at Carystus too, because indeed not to them would the Carystians either give hostages or assert that against neighboring cities they should advance with an army and they meant Eretria and Athens, thereupon they were beseiging those and clearing their land, until the Carystians too stood near to the Persians’ opinion.

So the Eretrians, learning by inquiry that the Persian host was sailing against them, requested of the Athenians that they become their rescuers and the Athenians refused not the succour; rather four thousand who had the Chalcidian horse-rearers’ lots of the country, those, to them they gave as helpers. But the Eretrians’ was, after all, no healthy plan, who were sending for the Athenians and had in mind two forms of thought. For some of them were taking counsel to abandon their city for the heights of Euboea and others of them, expecting private gains they would win from the Persians, were preparing for themselves a betrayal. Then having learned each of the two of those how they were, Aeschines, Nothon’s son, being the first among the Eretrians, pointed out to those of the Athenians who were present all the matters that were on hand for them and was requesting besides them to depart to their own land that they might not perish besides. So the Athenians obeyed Aeschines when he had advised that.

And those, having crossed to Oropus, were bringing themselves to safety, while the Persians in their sailing landed their ships in the Eretrian country off Tamynae, Choereae and Aegilia and, having landed at those spots, they immediately were putting out for themselves horses and preparing themselves with the intention that they would apply themselves to their enemies. Then the Eretrians were not taking a counsel to go out in opposition and battle and if in any way they should guard their walls thoroughly, concerning that to them it was a care, since not abandoning the city was prevailing. So, an assault becoming fierce against the wall, there were falling for six days many of both groups and the seventh Euphorbus, Alcimachus’ son and Philagrus, Cynees’ son, esteemed men among the townspeople, made a betrayal to the Persians. Then they, having gone onto the city, on the one hand, plundered and burnt down the shrines, because they were taking revenge for the shrines that had been consumed by fire in Sardis, and, on the other, led into captivity the human beings in accordance with Darius’ injunctions.

So having worsted Eretria and paused a few days, they were sailing to the Attic land and they were producing a large penning in and thinking that the same to the Athenians they would do that also to the Eretrians they had done. Because in fact Marathon was the most suitable spot in Attica to ride horses in and nearest to Eretria, to that spot Hippies, Peisistratus’ son was leading them down.

(to be continued)

Text and photographs Copyright © 1999—2003 Lost Trails
all rights reserved