translated by Shlomo Felberbaum

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Installment 34

Then the Athenians, when they had learned that by inquiry, were coming to the rescue, even themselves, to Marathon and ten generals were leading them, of whom the tenth was Miltiades, whose father Cimon, Stesagores’ son, it had befallen to go in exile out of Athens from Peisistratus, Hippocrates’ son. And for him, while he was exiled, it occurred to take up for himself an Olympic victory with a team of four horses and, having taken up for himself that victory, he carried off for himself the same prize as his brother by the same mother, Miltiades. Then afterwards at the next Olympic games he, winning with the same horses, gave over to Peisistratus to be heralded victor and by letting the victory go by to that one he went down from exile to his own property under truce. And him, when he had taken up for himself with the same horses another Olympic victory, it befell to die at the hands of Peisistratus’ sons, because Peisistratus himself was no longer surviving, and those killed him by the townhall at night after they had placed men in ambush. So Cimon was buried in front of the town on the other side of that road that is called “Through Hollow Land” and down opposite him the mares are buried, those that had taken up for themselves three Olympic victories. And also other mares by now did the same, Euagores the Laconian’s, and none more than those. Indeed the older of the sons of Cimon, Stesagores, was at that time being brought up at his father’s brother Miltiades’ in the Chersonese and the younger at Cimon himself’s at Athens and had as a name after the founder of the Chersonese Miltiades “Miltiades”.

That Miltiades indeed then at that time, being present from the Chersonese and having escaped a double death, was general of the Athenians. For partly the Phoenicians who pursued after him up to Imbros were considering worth much to take hold of and bring him up to the king and partly, after he had escaped those and come to his own land and was thinking that he was in safety, thereafter his enemies, having received him under themselves and under the power of a place of judgement having led him, prosecuted him for tyranny in the Chersonese. Then he, having escaped from those too, thus was appointed general of the Athenians, after he had been chosen by the people.

And first, when the generals were still in the town, they sent away to Sparta a herald, Philippides, an Athenian man and besides a long-distance runner and one who made that a care, and it was he with whom indeed, as Philippides himself was saying and was announcing out to the Athenians, round the Parthenian mountain over Tegea Pan fell in. And, when he had shouted the name of Philippides, Pan bade announce out to the Athenians on what account they paid no heed to him, although he was well-disposed to the Athenians and in many ways had proven by then useful to them, and in matters besides also would be. And that the Athenians, when their affairs were established well for them, trusted to be true and set up beneath the acropolis Pan’s shrine, and him in consequence of that announcement with yearly sacrifices and a torch-race they propitiate.

That Philippides, at that time having been sent by the generals right when he was asserting that to him in fact Pan had appeared, the next day from the Athenians’ town he was in Sparta and, having come to the rulers, he said, “O Lacedaemonians, the Athenians request of you to come to their rescue and not overlook the most ancient city among the Greeks’ falling into slavery at the hands of barbarian men; for in fact Eretria has been led into captivity and by a city to speak of Greece has become more lacking in strength”. He indeed was announcing out what had been enjoined on him and them it pleased to come to the rescue of the Athenians, but it was impossible for them at the immediate moment to do that, because they wanted not to break their law; for it was of the month’s beginning the ninth and the ninth they would not go out they asserted, the disk not being full.

Now, those were waiting for the full moon and leading the barbarians down to Marathon was Hippies, Peisistratus’ son, after in the night gone by he had seen a vision like this: Hippies thought that with his own mother he shared a bed. Hence he reckoned on the basis of his dream that, after he went down to Athens and brought back to safety for himself the rule, he would meet his end in his own land an old man. Indeed on the basis of the vision he reckoned that and at that time in his performing the leading down, on the one hand, the captives from Eretria he made step out onto the island of the Styrians and that was called Aegilia and, on the other, when the ships were being brought down to Marathon, that one was bringing them to anchor and, when the barbarians had stepped out onto land, he was arranging them. And over him, when he was managing that, came sneezing and coughing more greatly than as he was accustomed and, inasmuch as he was an older person, the greater number of his teeth were being shaken. Hence one of those he cast forth by force, when he coughed, and, it having fallen into the sand, he exerted much eagerness to discover it. But when the tooth was not appearing to him, he groaned aloud and said to the bystanders, “This land is not ours and we will not be able to bring it under our hand, but however so great a part was mine as a share, my tooth has as a share”.

Hippies indeed in that way reckoned his vision had come out and to the Athenians, who were marshalled in the sacred precinct of Heracles, the Plataeians with the whole people went and came to the rescue; for in fact both the Plataeians had given themselves to the Athenians and the Athenians had taken upon themselves numerous toils on their behalf by then. And they performed the giving this way: when they were oppressed by the Thebans, the Plataeians tried to give themselves at first to Cleomenes, Anaxandrides’ son, and the Lacedaemonians, when they were in fact near. But they would not receive them and said this: “We are settled farther and for you there would be given a cold succour like this: namely, often you would be led in captivity utterly before any of us learned of it by inquiry. So we advise you to give yourselves to the Athenians, men of nearby places and who are not bad at giving aid.”

That the Lacedaemonians advised not so much in accordance with good will for the Plataeians as because they wanted the Athenians to have toils in their coming to grips with the Boeotians. Now, the Lacedaemonians gave that advice to the Plataeians and they disobeyed not; rather, when the Athenians making sacred offerings to the twelve gods, as suppliants they sat at the altar and gave themselves.

Then the Thebans, having learned of that by inquiry, were advancing with an army against the Plataeians, and the Athenians were coming to their rescue. So, when they were to join battle, the Corinthians overlooked it not, but, having in fact been nearby and made a reconciliation when both groups had entrusted them, they formed the boundaries of the country on this condition, that the Thebans leave alone those of the Boeotians who wanted not to be counted among the Boeotians. The Corinthians indeed, having decided that, departed, and to the Athenians, as they were going away, the Boeotians applied themselves and, having applied themselves, they were worsted in the battle. Then the Athenians, having crossed the boundaries that the Corinthians had made to be for the Plataeians, those having crossed, they fixed the Asopus itself to be a boundary for the Thebans towards the Plataeians and Hysiae. The Plataeians gave indeed themselves to the Athenians in the manner stated and they were present at that time at Marathon in their coming to the rescue.

So for the Athenians’ generals the opinions came to be in two, as some were not allowing giving battle, because they were too few to give battle to the host of the Medes, and some as well as Miltiades were bidding it. Then when they came to be in two and the inferior of the opinions was prevailing, thereupon, because he who had obtained by lot by means of the bean to be polemarch was an eleventh caster of a voting pebble, as anciently the Athenians had awarded the polemarch with a voting pebble of similar power to the generals’, and at that time the polemarch was Callimachus, an Aphidnian, to that one went Miltiades and said this: “On you now, Callimachus, is to either enslave utterly Athens or make it free and a memorial leave behind for yourself like that that not even Harmodius and Aristogeiton did. For now indeed, since the time when the Athenians came into being, they are present at the greatest danger and, if at any rate they bow down to the Medes, it has been shown what they will suffer when they are given over to Hippies and, if that city survives, it is able to prove first of the Greek cities. Hence how indeed it is possible for that to happen and how to you, mind you, it pertains in those matters to have the deciding voice, now I am going to point out. Of us generals, being ten, in two the opinions come to be, as some are bidding give battle and some not. Now, if we join not battle, I expect a great faction will shake thoroughly in its onfall the Athenians’ thoughts so as for them to medize, but if we join battle before anything corrupt in fact in some of the Athenians comes about, if gods make equal distributions, we are able to overcome in the giving battle. Hence all that to you now stretches and on you depends; for if you assent to my opinion, there is for you a free fatherland and the first city of those in Greece, but if that of those who are advising against giving battle you take hold of, there will belong to you the opposite of the goods that I described”.

By saying that Miltiades won over Callimachus and, when the polemarch’s opinion came to be added, it was ratified to give battle. Then afterwards the generals, whose opinion was to give battle, when it came to be the presidency of each of them for the day, gave it over to Miltiades, and he received it and not in any way yet was giving a battle, at least before indeed it came to be his presidency.

But when it had gone round to him, thereupon indeed the Athenians were stationed this way with the intention that they would do battle: of the right wing the polemarch was leader, because the law at that time was thus for the Athenians, for the polemarch to have the right wing. So, that one leading, there followed after, as they were numbered, the tribes and were next to each other and last were stationed the Plataeians and they had the left wing. For in consequence of the battle for them, when the Athenians are conducting sacrifices at the festival gatherings that are made on the occasion of the intervals of five years, the Athenian herald prays by saying that the good things should become at the same time the Athenians’ and the Plataeians. Then at that time, the Athenians being stationed in Marathon, there came to be something like this: the camp, becoming equal to the Median camp, its middle, came to be over a few lines—and there the camp was most lacking in strength—and, each wing, had strength in multitude.

So, when it had been arranged by them and the victims were proving beautiful, thereupon, when the Athenians had been let go, by running they rushed to the barbarians. And no fewer stades were the space of their armies than eight. Then the Persians, because they saw that they were going in opposition, were preparing themselves with the intention that they would receive them and were imputing to the Athenians a madness and a completely destructive one, because they saw they were few and those by running hastened, although neither horse belonged to them nor archers. Now, that the barbarians surmised, but the Athenians, when all together they had mixed with the barbarians, fought in a manner worthy of account. For they were the first of all the Greeks that we know of running into enemies to make use and the first to hold up under seeing Median clothing and the men clothed in that. And until then for the Greeks even to hear the name of the Medes was a cause of fear.

So, while they were fighting in Marathon, a long time passed, and over the middle of the camp the barbarians were prevailing, where the Persians themselves and the Saciians were stationed; at just that spot the barbarians were prevailing and they broke through and were giving pursuit into the inland country, but over each wing the Athenians and the Plataeians were prevailing. Then in their prevailing the routed part of the barbarians they let flee and those of them who had broken through their middle, when they had brought together their wings, they fought and they, the Athenians, were prevailing. Then the Persians who were fleeing they followed and were striking, until, having come to the sea, they were demanding fire and were catching hold for themselves of the ships.

And, in one case, in that toil the polemarch was destroyed, a man who had proven good, and there died among the generals Stesileos, Thrasyleos’ son, in another, Cynegeirus, Euphorion’s son, thereupon, while he was catching hold for himself of the figurehead of a ship, was cut off at his hand with an axe and fell and, in another, many other named ones among the Athenians.

Indeed over seven of the ships the Athenians got mastery in a manner like that, but with those left the barbarians, after they had pushed themselves off and up and taken up the captives fron Eretria from the island on which they had left them, sailed round Sunium, because they wanted to anticipate the Athenians in coming to the town. And blame had them among the Athenians for having put that thought in their mind on the basis of the Alcmeonids’ contrivance, namely, for those men’s having compacted with the Persians and having shown them a shield raised up by then, when they were in their ships.

Those indeed sailed round Sunium, but the Athenians, as fast as they were in feet, came to the rescue to the town and acted in anticipation in coming before the barbarians were present and they encamped, after they had come from the temple of Heracles in Marathon, in another temple of Heracles in Cynosarges. Then the barbarians with their ships lay at anchor off Phalerum, because that was a naval harbor at that time of the Athenians and, after off that spot they had rode their ships at anchor, sailed away back to Asia.

In that battle in Marathon there died among the barbarians about six thousand four hundred men and among the Athenians a hundred ninety two. There fell among both groups so many and there happened on that very spot to come about a marvel like this: an Athenian man, Epizelus, Couphagores’ son, while in the coming to grips he was fighting and proving a good man, was deprived of his eyes, although he had been neither struck on any part of his body nor hit and the remainder of his life continued after that time to be blind. And I heard he gave about his suffering an account like this: a man, a hoplite, seemed to him to stand tall in opposition, whose bearded part overshadowed his shield in its entirety, and that phantom went out and by him and killed the bystander beside him. That account indeed I learned by inquiry Epizelus gave.

Now, Datis was making his way together with his army to Asia and, when he had come to be in Myconos, he saw a vision in his sleep. And what the vision was is not said, but he, as soon as day had shone forth, was undertaking a search of his ships and, when he had found in a Phoenician a gilded image of Apollo, he was inquiring whence it had been plundered and, having learned by inquiry the shrine from which it was, he sailed with his own ship to Delos; for in fact at that time the Delians had come back to their island and he put down for himself in the shrine the image and enjoined on the Delians to bring the image away to the Delium of the Thebans (and that is by the sea opposite Chalcis). Datis indeed, having enjoined that, sailed away, but that statue the Delians brought not away; rather, it after an interval of twenty years the Thebans themselves on the basis of a consultation with a god conveyed for themselves to Delium.

So those of the Eretrians led into captivity Datis and Artaphrenes, when they had touched at Asia in their sailing, brought up to Susa. Now, King Darius, before the Eretrians became captured by the spear, had awful wrath for them, inasmuch as the Eretrians had begun injustice earlier, but when he had seen that they were brought away to him and were under his hand, he did no other evil: rather, he settled them down in the Cissian country in his own station, whose name is Ardericca, that is two hundred ten stades distant from Susa and forty from the well that furnishes from itself three kinds; for in fact asphalt, salts and oil they draw for themselves from it in a manner like this: they are baled up with a swipe and in place of a vessel a half of a skin is tied to it; then, having performed a dipping in with that, one performs a baling up and thereafter performs a pouring into a receptacle; then, from that the stuff is poured thoroughly into something else and turns itself three ways. And the asphalt and the salts are made solid forthwith and the oil—the Persians call that rhadinace—is then black and a furnisher from itself of unpleasant smell. There the Eretrians King Darius settled down, who even up to my time were having that country and guarding their ancient tongue. Indeed the matters concerning the Eretrians were thus.

And of the Lacedaemonians there were present at Athens two thousand after the full moon with so much eagerness to take hold down on the object that on the third day from Sparta they had come to be in the Attic country. Then, having come later than the giving battle, they desired nevertheless to behold the Medes and, having gone to Marathon, they beheld. Then afterwards they praised the Athenians and their deed and departed back.

Now, it’s a marvel to me and I accept not the account that the Alcmeonids would ever have shown to the Persians on the basis of a compact a shield raised high, because they wanted the Athenians to be under the barbarians and under Hippies, they who more or in a manner similar to Callies, Phaenippus’ son and Hipponicus’ father, manifestly were haters of tyrants. For Callies was the only one of all the Athenians together to dare, whenever Peisistratus was banished from Athens, to buy his property when it was heralded for sale by the public and he contrived all the other most hostile acts against him.

[Of that Callies it is worthwhile on many occasions for everyone to have remembrance. For there’s, in one case, what has been said before, that he was a man excellent in making his fatherland free, in another, what he had done in Olympia—after he had won a victory with a horse, become second with a team of four horses and previously taken up for himself a Pythian victory, he was made illustrious to all the Greeks for great expenses—and, in another, concerning his own daughters who were three what kind of a man he proved, in that, when they were coming to be at the hour for marriage, he gave them a most magnificent gift and gratified them, because, from all the Athenians whichever man each wished to select out herself for herself, he gave her to that man.]

And the Alcmeonids in the same manner or no less than that one were haters of tyrants. Hence it’s a marvel to me and I let go by for myself not the slander that those at any rate showed a shield raised high, who were fleeing the whole time the tyrants; in short, from the contrivance of those the sons of Peisistratus abandoned the tyranny and thus those were they who had freed Athens far more than indeed Harmodius and Aristogeiton were, as I judge. For they made completely wild those remaining behind of the sons of Peisistratus by killing Hipparchus and in no way more put a stop to men’s being tyrants, but the Alcmeonids openly brought about freedom, if indeed those at any rate truly were the ones who had convinced Pythia to indicate beforehand to the Lacedaemonians that they should free Athens, as by me previously has been made clear.

But perhaps in fact they found some fault with the Athenians’ people and betrayed their fatherland. No, rather there were no other more esteemed men than they, at least among the Athenians, and not those who more were honored. Thus even reason requires that raised up a shield would not have been shown by those at any rate for a reason like that. For raised up a shield was shown and of that it is not possible to speak otherwise—for it happened—however, about who was the one who had shown it raised up, I am not able to speak farther than that.

Now, the Alcmeonids had been even in origin brilliant in Athens and since Alcmeon and thereafter Megacles they became very brilliant. For, on the one hand, Alcmeon, Megacles’ son, of the Lydians from Sardis, when they were coming from Croesus to the oracle in Delphi, was proving a helper and was giving help eagerly, and Croesus, having learned by inquiry from the Lydians who were going constantly to the oracles that he was treating him well, sent for him for Sardis and, when he had come, he presented him with whichever gold he was able with his body to bring out for himself at one time. So Alcmeon in view of the present, that was like that, contrived and was applying acts like this: having donned a big tunic and a deep fold having left in the tunic and with the buskins that he found were the roomiest having shod himself, he went to the treasury, to which they were leading him down. Then having fallen on a heap of gold-dust, first he stuffed at his shins as much of the gold as the buskins were holding and afterwards, when he had filled up for himself the whole fold with gold, into the hairs of his head sprinkled thoroughly some of the gold-dust and another part taken hold of in his mouth, he went out of the treasury, as he was dragging with difficulty the buskins and resembling every and any thing more than a human being, he of whom the mouth was crammed and all parts were puffed up. So, when Croesus had seen, laughter went into him and to him all that he gave and besides presented him with other pieces no fewer than those. Thus that house became greatly wealthy; in fact, that Alcmeon thus kept a team of four horses and took up for himself an Olympic victory.

Then afterwards, the next generation later, Cleisthenes, the Sicyonian tyrant, raised it so that it became far more named among the Greeks than it had been previously. For to Cleisthenes, Aristonymus’ son, Myron’s son, Andrees’ son, was born a daughter, whose name was Agariste; that one he wished, after he had found the best of all the Greeks together, to that one as a wife to betroth. Hence, when the Olympic games were and he was winning a victory in them with a team of four horses, Cleisthenes brought about a heralding that whoever of the Greeks thought himself worthy to become Cleisthenes’ son-in-law should be present on the sixtieth day or even earlier at Sicyon on the ground that Cleisthenes would ratify the marriage in a year and begin from the sixtieth day. Thereupon all of the Greeks who were puffed up with themselves and their fathers’ land went constantly as suitors, from whom Cleisthenes had made both a running place and a wrestling ring for that very purpose and was maintaining.

Indeed from Italy went Smindyrides, Hippocrates’ son, a Sybaritian, who to quite the greatest degree of luxury for one man had come (and Sybaris was at its greatest peak during that time) and Sirites, a Damasian, the child of Amyris who was spoken of as wise. Those from Italy went and from the Ionian gulf Amphimnestus, Epistrophus’ son, an Epidamnian. That one then was from the Ionian gulf and an Aetolian went, the brother of Titormus who had excelled by nature the Greeks in strength and fled human beings to the extremities of the Aetolian country, of that Titormus, Males. Then from the Peloponnese was the child of Pheidon, the Argives’ tyrant, Leocedes, and of Pheidon, who had made of the measures for the Peloponnesians and acted insolently quite most of all the Greeks together, who had made stand up and away the Elean holders of the contest and himself held the contest in Olympia, the child of that one indeed and Amiantus, Lycourgus’ son, an Arcadian from Trapezous, an Azenian of the city of Paeus, Laphanes, son of Euphormion, who had received, as an account in Arcadia is given, the Dioscori in his house and since that was receiving as guests all human beings, and an Elean, Onomastus, Agaeus’ son. Those indeed from the Peloponnese itself went and from Athens came Megacles, the son of Alcmeon, that one who had come to Croesus, and another, Hippocleides, Teisandrus’ son, who in wealth and looks surpassed the Athenians. Then from Eretria that was in its bloom during that time was Lysanies; that one alone was from Euboea. Then from Thessaly went among the Scopadians Diactorides, a Crannonian, and from the Molossians Alcon.

So many proved the suitors and, when those had come on the previously spoken of day, Cleisthenes first inquired after their fathers’ lands and the birth of each. Then afterwards he was detaining them a year and making thorough trial of their manly goodness and disposition as well as education and manner by going both with each one into a being together and with quite all together: that is, to gymnastic contests he was leading out all who were the younger of them and there was the greatest thing: in the time of their existing together he was making trial; for, all that time that he was detaining them, he was doing all for them and at the same time entertaining them magnificently as guests. And indeed, I suppose, most among the suitors those who had come from Athens were pleasing to him and among those more Hippocleides, Teisandrus’ son, was judged both in accordance with manly goodness and in that in origin to the Cypselids in Corinth he was related.

Then, when it had come to be the appointed of the days for the reclining down of the marriage and Cleisthenes himself’s asserting forth whom of all he gave the judgement to, having sacrificed a hundred oxen, Cleisthenes was entertaining sumptuously the suitors themselves and all Sicyonians. And when they were done with dinner, the suitors were having a competition about music and what was being said in their midst. So, the drinking going forward, repressing all the others much, Hippocleides bade the flute player play on a flute a dance-tune and, when the flute player was obeying, danced. And somehow he was dancing in a manner pleasing to himself, but Cleisthenes, seeing the whole matter, was viewing it with disfavor. Then afterwards, having paused a time, Hippocleides bade someone bring in a table and, when the table had gone in, first danced Laconian figures, afterwards others, Attic ones, and the third dance: he supported his head on the table and gesticulated as with his hands with his legs. Now, Cleisthenes, when the first and the second dances he was dancing, although he abhorred that Hippocleides would still become his son-in-law, on account of the dancing and lack of shame, held himself back, because he wanted not to be broken forth against him, but when he had seen with his legs he had gesticulated as with his hands, he was no longer able to hold back and said, “O child of Teisandrus, at any rate now you have danced away your marriage”. Then Hippocleides in reply said, “No concern of Hippocleides”.

Now, from that saying that proverb is pronounced, and Cleisthenes, having had a silencing made, said in their midst this: “Men, suitors of my child, I both you all praise and you all, if it should be possible, would gratify by neither judging away one of you as chosen out nor rejecting away those left. But, because it is not possible concerning one maiden to take counsel and act in accordance with the mind of all, to those of you who are being driven away from the marriage, to each, a talent of silver as a present I offer for the thinking worthy to marry from my house and the going abroad from home and to Alcmeon’s son, Megacles, I betroth my child Agariste by the laws of the Athenians”. So, Megacles asserting for himself that he betrothed himself, the marriage was ratified by Cleisthenes.

Now, so much was done about the judging of the suitors and thus the Alcmeonids were shouted about throughout Greece. And, when those had cohabited, there was born Cleisthenes who established the tribes and the democracy for the Athenians and had his name after his mother’s father the Sicyonian. That one indeed was born to Megacles, and Hippocrates, and from Hippocrates another Megacles and another Agariste, with her name after Cleisthenes’ daughter, Agariste, she who, having cohabited with Xanthippus, Ariphron’s son and being with child, saw a vision in her sleep and thought she had brought forth a lion. And after a few days she brought forth Pericles for Xanthippus.

Now, after the blow that had been struck in Marathon Miltiades, even previously being well esteemed among the Athenians, at that time grew greater, and he demanded seventy ships and a host and money from the Athenians, without having pointed out to them the country against which he would advance with the army, but while he was asserting that he would utterly enrich them, if they followed him, because to a country just like that he would bring them whence they would win easily unbegrudged gold; speaking like that, he was demanding the ships. And the Athenians, incited by that, performed a giving over.

Then Miltiades, having taken over the host, sailed against Paros with the pretext that the Parians had earlier begun by advancing with an army by trireme to Marathon together with the Persian. That indeed was the excuse of the speech, but in fact a grudge he was having against the Parians on account of Lysagores, Teisies’ son, who was in birth a Parian, because he had slandered him to Hydarnes the Persian. And, having come to the land to which he was sailing, Miltiades with his host was beseiging the Parians cooped up within a wall and he was sending in a herald and demanding a hundred talents, while he was asserting that, if they made the gift not to him, he would not stand his host up and away until he should take them out. But the Parians in fact were not intending that they would give any silver to Miltiades, but they, how they would thoroughly guard their city, were contriving that by pointing on out for themselves other matters and where most was on each occasion the vulnerable part of the wall; that at night was being raised up twice as high as its former state.

Indeed to so far a point in the account all the Greeks give an account and thereafter the Parians themselves give an account that it happened this way: with Miltiades, being at a loss, went into speeches a woman captured by the spear, who was a Parian in birth, and her name was Timo and she was under-priestess of the gods below the earth. That one came into the sight of Miltiades and gave the advice that, if he considered worth much to take hold of Paros, whatever she suggested, he should do that. Then afterwards she made a suggestion and he went across to the hill that was before the city and leapt over the fence of statute-bringing Demeter, because he was not able to open the leaves of the door and, when he had leapt over, he went to the hall to do something or other within, to either move one of the unmovables or perform some act or other sometime. He came to be by the leaves of the door and straightway, after a horror had come over him, back the same way rushed. Then, while he was leaping down the fencing-wall, he was drawn apart at the thigh. Others say he stumbled on his knee.

Now, Miltiades, being ill, sailed away back without either bringing money for the Athenians or having acquired Paros as an addition, but after he had conducted a siege twenty six days and devastated the island. Then the Parians, having learned by inquiry that the under-priestess of the gods, Timo, had led Militiades down, because they wanted to punish her for themselves in revenge for that, sent messengers to consult the god to Delphi, when rest from the seige had gotten hold of them. And they sent them on to ask whether they should use the under-priestess of the gods mortally on the ground that she had expounded to their enemies their fatherland’s capture and brought out to light sacred matters not to be uttered to male offspring for Miltiades. But the Pythia would not allow it and asserted that Timo was not the cause of that, but, because Miltiades had to meet his end in no good way, there appeared to him a leader down of the evils.

To the Parians indeed that Pythia proclaimed and the Athenians had Militiades, when he had returned back from Paros, in their mouths, all the others and most Xanthippus, Ariphron’s son, who with a penalty of death brought under the power of the people Miltiades and was prosecuting him for his deceit toward the Athenians. Then Miltiades himself, being present, could not speak in his defense, because he was unable, seeing that his thigh was rotting, and, while he was lying forth on a bed, his friends were speaking in his defense for him by mentioning often the battle that had been fought in Marathon and Lemnos’ capture, how, having taken hold of Lemnos and punished the Pelasgians, he had given it over to the Athenians. So, when the people had come to be on his side concerning his release from death and fined him concerning his injustice fifty talents, Miltiades after that, his thigh having become gangrenous and rotted, met his end, and the fifty talents his child, Cimon, paid off.

Now, of Lemnos Miltiades, Cimon’s son, got hold this way: the Pelasgians, when from the Attic land by the Athenians they had been thrown out either indeed then justly or unjustly, because I am not able to point that out, except what was said, that Hecataeus, Hegesandrus’ son, made an assertion in his accounts by saying unjustly, because, when the Athenians had seen the country which was under Hymessus that they themselves had given them to settle in as a wage for the wall that once had been drawn round the acropolis, when that the Athenians had seen was completely well worked, which previously had been bad and worth nothing, there took hold envy and desire for the land and thus the Athenians were driving them out and putting forward no other pretext, and, as the Athenians themselves say, that they performed the driving out justly, because the Pelasgians were settled down under Hymessus and, setting off thence, they were doing this injustice: namely, indeed, their daughters went constantly for water to Enneacrounus, because there were not during that time yet for them and not for all the other Greeks household servants, and, whenever they went, the Pelasgians through the agency of insolence and belittling were doing violence to them and that however for them was not sufficient to do, but finally they were even plotting to lay on their hands and appeared in the act, while they themselves proved better men than those so much that, it being in their power to kill the Pelasgians, when they had taken hold of them in their plotting, they were not willing, but proclaimed to them that they should go out of the land, and they thus indeed, having departed, got hold of other spots and, in particular, Lemnos—that former account indeed Hecataeus gave and that latter the Athenians give—those Pelasgians then were inhabiting Lemnos at that time and wanting to punish the Athenians and, because well they knew the Athenians’ festivals, they acquired penteconters and lay in wait for the Athenians’ women who were holding a festival for Artemis in Brauron. Then, after they had seized many of those, they sailed away and were gone and, after they had brought them to Lemnos, they had them as concubines. So, when those women had been filled up with offspring, the Attic tongue and the manners of the Athenians they were teaching their children, and they both were not willing to mix themselves with the children of the Pelasgian women and, if any of them were struck by any of those, they all came to the rescue and helped each other and, what’s more, to rule the children the children thought just and by far had the mastery. Then, having learned of that, the Pelasgians were giving speeches to themselves and into them, as they were taking counsel, something awful sank, if indeed the children should resolve to come to the rescue of themselves against the wedded women’s children and them immediately try to rule, what indeed, when they had been made men, would they do forsooth? Thereupon it seemed good to them to kill the children of the Attic women. They indeed did that and destroyed in addition their mothers also. And from that deed and the one before those events that the women did when they killed their own husbands together with Thoas, it has customarily been the usage throughout Greece that all the cruel deeds are called Lemnian.

Then for the Pelasgians, after they had killed their own children and women, neither would earth bring up fruit nor women and flocks bring forth similarly as before that. So, being oppressed by famine and childlessness, to Delphi they sent to demand for themselves a release from the evils that were on hand. Pythia then was bidding them pay the Athenians those penalties whichever the Athenians themselves judged. Indeed there came to Athens the Pelasgians and they were announcing out that they wanted to pay penalties for all their injustice, and, after the Athenians in their town-hall had spread a bed as beautifully as they were able and put by a table filled up with all good things, they were bidding the Pelasgians give over to them their country when it was thus. Then the Pelasgians in reply said, “Whenever by a north wind in one day a ship arrives from your land at our land, then we will give it”, because they knew it was impossible for that to happen, as the Attic land lies far to the south of Lemnos.

At that time so much, but very many years later, when the Chersonese on the Hellespont had come to be under the Athenians, Miltiades, Cimon’s son, when, the Etesian winds being established, by ship he had arrived down from Elaeous on the Chersonese at Lemnos, publicly was speaking forth to the Pelasgians that they should go out from their island and reminding them of the oracle that the Pelasgians had expected not at all to be brought to completion for them. Now, the Hephaestians obeyed, but the Myrinaeans would not admit for themselves that the Chersonese was Attic and were being beseiged, until those too surrendered. Thus indeed of Lemnos the Athenians and Miltiades got hold.

end of Book 6

(to be continued)

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