So, also Stesagores having met his end in a manner like this above, thereupon Miltiades, Cimon’s son and Stesagores who had died’s brother, to seize the affairs there to the Chersonese the sons of Peisistratus dispatched away with a trireme, they who in fact were treating him well in Athens on the ground that they forsooth were not sharing knowledge of his father Cimon’s death, which I for my part in another account will indicate how it happened. Then Miltiades, having come to the Chersonese, was at home and quite obviously was giving honor to his brother Stesagores. And the Chersonesians, when they were learning that by inquiry, were gathered together from all their cities, those who were dynasts from every place, and with a common expedition having come with the intention that they would join in being pained, they were bound by him. Miltiades indeed got a hold of the Chersonese and was maintaining five hundred auxiliaries, and he married Olorus the Thracians’ king’s daughter, Hegesipyle.
Indeed that son of Cimon, Miltiades, recently had gone to the Chersonese and there were befalling him, after he had gone, other things more difficult than the affairs that were prevailing. For in the third year before that he fled away from the Scythians; for the pastoral Scythians, provoked by King Darius, were rolled together and drove up to that Chersonese. Those, when they were going in opposition, Miltiades awaited not and was fleeing, until the Scythians departed and him the Doloncians brought back down. That indeed had happened in the third year before the matters that were then prevailing for him.
And at that time, when he was learning by inquiry that the Phoenicians were in Tenedos, he filled five triremes with the money that was at hand and was sailing to Athens. And the very time when he had set off from the city of Cardia, he was sailing through the Black Gulf; he was passing by the Chersonese and the Phoenicians were falling on him with their ships. Indeed Miltiades himself with four of the ships fled down to Imbros, but the fifth of the ships of his the Phoenicians in pursuing overtook. Now, of that ship in fact the oldest of Miltiades’ children was ruler, Metiochus, who was not born of the daughter of Olorus the Thracian, but of another woman. And that one together with his ship the Phoenicians took and, having learned of him by inquiry, that he was Miltiades’ child, they brought him up to the king, because they thought they would lay up for themselves a great gratitude, precisely in that Miltiades had shown forth his opinion among the Ionians by bidding them obey the Scythians, when the Scythians were requesting a breaking of the bridge of boats and a sailing off to their own land. Then Darius, when the Phoenicians had brought up Metiochus, Miltiades’ son, did to Metiochus nothing bad, but numerous good acts; for in fact a house and possessions he gave as well as a Persian wife, of whom to him offspring were born who were ordered in among the Persians. And Miltiades from Imbros came to Athens.
And during that year by the Persians nothing was done over a greater extent than that above that leads to quarrel, but these very useful acts were done for the Ionians in that year: Artaphrenes. the subordinate ruler of Sardis, having sent for messengers from the cities, compelled the Ionians to make compacts for themselves, that they might be given to justice and not carry and lead property from each other. That he compelled them to do and, having measured their countries by parasangs, what the Persians call thirty stades, by those indeed having measured, tributes he imposed on each group, which in place have continued to be from that time on each and every occasion still even to my time as they were imposed by Artaphrenes, and they were imposed after the same fashion that also previously they were having. And for them those matters were peaceable.
But together with spring, all the other generals deposed by the king, Mardonius, Gobryes’ son, was going down to the sea and at the same time was taking with himself a very large foot and large naval army, he who was young in age and recently had married King Darius’ daughter, Artozostre, and leading that army, Mardonius, when he had come to be in Cilicia, himself stepped onto a ship and was conveyed together with all the other ships, while the foot host other leaders were leading to the Hellespont. Then when in sailing along Asia Mardonius had come to Ionia, thereupon I will speak of the greatest marvel for those who refuse to accept among the Greeks among the Persians to the seven Otanes showed forth the opinion that the Persians should be governed by the people; for having deposed the tyrants of the Ionians, Mardonius was establishing governments of the people in the cities. Then having done that, he was hastening to the Hellespont. And when there had been gathered a large quantity of ships and had been gathered also a large foot army, having crossed over the Hellespont with their ships, they made their way through Europe and made their way to Eretria and Athens.
Hence those for them were the pretext of their expedition, but having in mind to subject the greatest number of the Greek cities whichever they could, on the one hand indeed, with their ships the Thasians, who not even hands raised, they subjected and, on the other, with their foot the Macedonians in addition to those that were belonging to them as slaves they acquired; for all the nations on this side of the Macedonians by then had become under their hand. From Thasos indeed they crossed over under cover of the mainland and were conveyed up to Acanthus and from Acanthus they set off and were trying to round Athos. But there fell on them as they were trying to sail round a great and unmanageable north wind and treated very harshly in multitude many of their ships by throwing them out onto Athos. For it is said approximately three hundred of the ships were those which had been destroyed and over two myriads of human beings; for seeing that that sea round Athos is most full of beasts, some were destroyed by the beasts, when they were seized, and others, when they dashed against the rocks, while those of them who knew not how to swim, also in accordance with that were destroyed and others by cold. The naval army indeed thus fared.
And on Mardonius and the foot, while they were encamped in Macedonia, at night the Thracian Brygians laid hands, and of them many the Brygians killed and Mardonius himself they wounded. And no, not even they themselves escaped slavery at the Persians’ hands: for indeed Mardonius stood not up away from those countries before he had brought them under his hands. However, having subjected those, he was leading his host back away, inasmuch as with his foot he had stumbled against the Brygians and with his navy greatly round Athos. Now, that expedition, having contended shamefully, departed to Asia.
Then the next year after that, Darius first in respect to the Thasians’ having been made the subject by their neighbours of the slander that they were contriving a standing apart, sent a messenger and was bidding them take down their wall all round and convey their ships to Abdera. For indeed the Thasians, inasmuch as they had been beseiged by Histiaeus the Milesian and there were many kinds of income, were making use of their money in undertaking the shipbuilding of large ships and putting a stronger wall round themselves. And the income for them came into being out of the mainland and from the mines; namely, from the gold mines of Scapte Hyle on the whole eighty talents were coming in and from those in Thasos itself fewer than those, but so numerous that on the whole for the Thasians, who were free of taxes on fruits, there came in from the mainland and the mines each year two hundred talents and, when the largest amount had come in, three hundred.
And I saw, even myself, those mines and far the most marvellous of them were what the Phoenicians had discovered, who with that Thasos had founded that island, that now after that Thasos the Phoenician has its name. So those Phoenician mines are in Thasos between a place called Aenyra and Coenyra and opposite Samothrace, a large mountain turned up in the searching. Now, that is like that.
And the Thasians for the king who had bidden both took down their wall and conveyed all their ships to Abdera. Then after that Darius was making trial of the Greeks about what they had in mind, whether to wage war with him or give themselves over. Hence he sent different ways various heralds to various places by his appointing, throughout Greece, and was bidding demand earth and water. Those indeed to Greece he was sending and other heralds he was sending different ways to his tributary cities along the sea and was bidding build large ships and boats for bringing horses.
Those indeed were preparing that and to the heralds that had come to Greece many of the mainlanders gave what the Persian had put forward in his demanding and all the islanders to whom they came to make the demand. Indeed all the other islanders gave earth and water to Darius and, in particular, the Aeginetians. Then to them, who had done that, immediately the Athenians applied themselves and thought that the Aeginetians, having it out for them, had made the gift, that together with the Persian they might advance with an army. And gladly they took hold on a pretext and, resorting to Sparta, they were accusing the Aegenitians for what they had done in having betrayed Greece.
Then in view of that accusation Cleomenes, Anaxandrides’ son, being king of the Spartiates, set foot on Aegina, because he wanted to arrest among the Aeginetians those most responsible. And, when he was trying to make arrests, others among the Aeginetians indeed became opposed to him and moreover also Crius, Polycritus’son, most, who asserted he would not bring any of the Aeginetians with impunity, because without the Spartiates’ commonwealth’ aid he was acting, since he had been compelled by the Athenians with money, as otherwise he, having gone together with the other king, would be making arrests. Now, he was saying that because of an injunction of Demaratus. Then Cleomenes, being driven from Aegina, asked Crius what was his name and he pointed out its being to him. So Cleomenes asserted to him, “By now presently cover with brass, o crius [ram], your horns with the intention that you will bring yourself together with great evil”.
Then in Sparta during that time Demaretus, Ariston’s son, waited behind and was slandering Cleomenes, that one who also was king of the Spartiates, but of a somewhat inferior house, inferior in accordance with nothing else—for they were descended from the same ancestor—but that in accordance with seniority of birth in some way the house of Eurysthenes is honored more.
For the Lacedaemonians, agreeing with no poet, say that Aristodemus, Cleodaeus’ son, Hyllus’ son, being king, brought them to that country that they possess now, and Aristodemus’ sons did not. Then after no long time for Aristodemus his wife brought forth, whose name was Argeia, and she, they say, was the daughter of Autesion, Teisamenus’ son, Thersander’s son, Polyneices’ son; that one indeed brought forth twins and Aristodemus got a look at the offspring and by illness was meeting his end. So the Lacedaemonians who were then took counsel in accordance with law to appoint as king the older of the sons; hence they indeed knew not which they should choose, seeing that they were both similar and equal, and, when they were not having the ability to come to knowledge or even before that, they were asking of her who had brought them forth and she asserted that not even she herself could make the distinction. She said that although she in fact very much knew and because she wanted a case where somehow they both could become kings. Hence indeed the Lacedaemonians were at a loss and, being at a loss, sent to Delphi on to ask what use they should make of the matter. Then Pythia bade them consider both little children kings, but honor more the elder. Indeed Pythia gave them that answer, and to the Lacedaemonians who were at a loss no less how they should find out the older of them a Messenian man made a suggestion, whose name was Panites, and that Panites suggested this to the Lacedaemonians, that they should keep guard over the begetter regarding which of the two little children she first bathed and fed and, if she manifestly acted on each and every occasion after the same fashion, then they would have every single thing that they both sought and desired to find out, but if in fact that one wandered alternately in acting, it would be clear to them that not even that one knew anything more, and they should turn themselves to another way. Thereupon indeed the Spartiates in accordance with the Messenian’s suggestions keep guard over the mother of Aristodemus’ children and grasped that after the same fashion she was honoring the earlier in respect to both foods and baths, because she knew not for the sake of what she was being kept guard over. Then, having taken hold of the little child that was being honored by its begetter on the ground that it was the earlier, they were nurturing it in the public hall, and to it as a name was given Eurysthenes and to the other Procles. Those, having become men, although they themselves were brothers, they say, were differing all the time of their life with each other, and they who were descended from those continued in the same way.
That account the Lacedaemonians alone of the Greeks give and the following in accordance with what is said by the Greeks I write, that indeed those kings of the Dorians down to Perseus, Danae’s son, the god being absent, are described correctly by the Greeks and shown forth that they are Greeks: for by then at that time those were counted among the Greeks. And I said down to Perseus for the following reason, but gave no still earlier grasping, that there is added no appellation to Perseus of a mortal father, just as to Heracles “Amphitryon”; hence by now by me, who am making use of a correct account down to Perseus, it has been said, and from Danae, Acrisius’ daughter, for one who is describing the fathers of them on each and every occasion upwards, manifestly the Dorians’ leaders would be true-born Egyptians.
Now, that genealogy in accordance with what the Greeks say has been given, but, as the Persians’ account is given, Perseus himself, being an Assyrian, became Greek, but not Perseus’ ancesters, and it’s that the fathers of Acrisius at any rate had in accordance with kinship no agreement with Perseus, but those were, just according as the Greeks say, Egyptians.
Now, let that in fact about that be said and why, being Egyptians, and what having shown forth, they took hold of the Dorians’ kingdoms, because by others about them has been said, we will let go, but of that which others took no complete hold of for themselves I will make mention.
Indeed these privileges to their kings the Spartiates have given: two priesthoods, of Zeus of Lacedaemon and of Zeus of the sky, and moreover to bring forth war against whichever country they want and of that for none of the Spartiates to be a hinderer and, if that’s not, for the one himself to be caught in his pollution, as well as, when they are advancing with an army, for the kings to go first and to go back last, for a hundred picked men in the time for a host to guard them, to make use of in their goings out of howsoever many cattle that they want and for them to take of all together that are sacrificed the skins and backs.
Those are the ones in war and all the other, those of peace, after this fashion have been given them: if any sacrifice is made at public expense, for them to seat the kings first at the dinner and from those first to begin by distributing to each twice as much of all as to all the other banqueters and for the beginnings of libations to be theirs and the skins of what had been sacrificed, as well as during all new moons and seventh days, when the month was being established, for there to be given from the public hall a full-grown sacred victim for each to Apollo’s temple, a medimnus of barley-meal and of wine a Laconian fourth, in all the contests the rights to front seats as perquisites, for there to be assigned to those to appoint as officials for foreign friends those of their townsmen whomever they want and for each to choose two Pythians (and the Pythians are messengers sent to consult the god to Delphi and they eat with the kings the public provisions), if the kings go not to their dinner, for there to be sent away for them to their houses two choenixes of barley-meal for each and a cup of wine and, if they are present, for twice as much of all to be given and with the same even by private persons, when they are called to dinner, to be honored, for those to guard the prophecies that are being given and for the Pythians too to join in the knowing, for the kings to judge so many cases alone: concerning a maiden that has her father’s property, to whom it befits to have her as wife, precisely if her father has betrothed her not, and concerning public ways, if anyone wants to have a child made adoptive, for him to have him made in front of the kings, and to sit by the elders, when they are taking counsel, who are thirty less two and, if they come not, for those of the elders who are related to them most to have the kings’ privileges and to cast two voting-pebbles and the third for themselves and the third of themselves.
Those gifts are given to the kings, when they are alive, from the commonwealth of the Spartiates and, when they are dead, these: horsemen announce round what has happened down through all the Laconian land and down through the city women go round and beat on cauldrons. Hence whenever that becomes like that, it’s a necessity from each house for two free persons to utterly pollute themselves, a man and a woman and on them, if they do that not, great penalties are imposed. And the law for the Lacedaemonians concerning their kings’ deaths is the same as for the barbarians in Asia: for accordingly the greater number of the barbarians use the same law concerning the deaths of their kings. For whenever a king of the Lacedaemonians dies, there must from all Lacedaemon, besides the Spartiates, in a number of those settled round go people compelled to the funeral. Hence whenever of those, the helots and the Spartiates themselves are gathered together into the same place many thousands, mixedly together with the women they beat themselves on their foreheads eagerly and make thorough use of abundant wailing, while they assert for themselves that he of the kings who has ceased to be last on each and every occasion, that one indeed, proved the best. And whoever of the kings dies in war, for that one then they prepare an image and on a well-spread bier carry it out. And whenever they perform the burial, a public market for ten days is not set up and a body for choosing rulers sits not together, but they mourn those days.
And they resemble in this other respect the Persians: whenever at the dying of the king another is made to stand in as king, that ingoing one frees whoever of the Spartiates to the king or to the public store was owing a debt. And in turn among the Persians the one who is being established king lets go the tribute that was being previously owed for all the cities.
And the Lacedaemonians resemble too in these respects the Egyptians: their heralds, flute-players and cooks inherit their father’s arts and flute-player of flute-player is born as well as cook of cook and herald of herald; not by applying themselves in accordance with loudness of voice do others shut them out, but rather in accordance with their fathers’ ways they perform a bringing to completion. That thus indeed is done.
So at that time Cleomenes, while he was in Aegina and working out common goods for Greeks, Demaretus slandered, not because he was caring for the Aeginetians so much as because was indulging in envy and malice. Then Cleomenes, having returned from Aegina, was taking counsel to make Demaretus cease from his kingdom and on account of a matter like this was having a means of walking against him: to Ariston, when he was king in Sparta and had married two women, children were not being born. And because he was not admitting to himself that he himself was responsible for that, he married a third woman and married this way: there was his a friend among the Spartiates, a man to whom among the townsmen Ariston was most attached. That man’s in fact was the most beautiful wife by far of the women in Sparta. and that too when she had become the most beautiful from the ugliest. For her, because she was in her looks inferior, her nurse, inasmuch as she was blessed human beings’ daughter and bad looking, and in addition also since she was seeing her parents were considering her looks a misfortune, having learned each of those things, she contrived like this: she was carrying her constantly on every day to Helen’s shrine and it is in the land called Therapne above the shrine of Phoebus. So whenever the nurse did the bringing, she set her up against the image and was beseeching the goddess to rid of its misshapenness the little child. And indeed once to the nurse as she was going out of the shrine it is said a woman appeared and, having appeared, she asked her what she was carrying in her arm and she bade show her, but she asserted no; for it had been forbidden her by the begetters to make a show to anyone. But the other by all means bade make a show to her. Then, seeing that the woman was considering worth much to get a look for herself, the nurse thus indeed showed the little child and the other stroked the little child’s head and said she would be the most beautiful of all the women in Sparta. Indeed from that day her looks changed and there married her, when she had come to the hour of marriage, Agetus, Alceides’ son, indeed that friend of Ariston.
So desire for that woman was chafing Ariston after all. Indeed he contrived like this: he himself to his companion, whose that wife was, undertook that he would give as a gift one thing of all of his, whichever that one himself chose, and his companion to him he was bidding in the same way give the like. Then he with no fear about his wife, because he saw Ariston’s too was a wife, consented to that and on those conditions they performed a driving on of oaths. And afterwards Ariston himself gave that, whatever indeed it was, of the laid up valuables of Ariston which Agetus had chosen, and himself, seeking the like to win from that one, thereupon indeed his companion’s wife was trying to lead away for himself. Then the other asserted that except that alone he had consented to all else; however, being compelled by the oath and the deceit’s leading astray, he let her go for him to lead away for himself.
Thus indeed Ariston brought in for himself his third wife, after he had sent away for himself the second. Then for him in a less time and without having filled up the ten months, that woman brought forth that Demaretus indeed. And one of the members of the household to him, while he was sitting down on a chair with the ephors, announced out that to him a child had been born. So he, since he knew the time at which he had brought his wife for himself and was counting on his fingers the months, he said by way of denying on oath, “He could not be mine”. That the ephors had heard; however, they considered it no matter at the immediate moment. And the child grew and Ariston what had been said repented; for the child Demaretus in the highest degree he believed to be his. And he gave Demaretus ("by the people prayed for") as a name to him on account of this: before that with the whole people the Spartiates to Ariston, on the ground that he was well esteemed above quite all those that had become kings in Sparta, offered a prayer a child should be born; on account of that to him the name Demaretus was given.
Then, as time went forward, Ariston died and Demaretus got hold of the kingdom. But, as it seems, that above, having become entirely learned by inquiry, had to depose Demaretus from his kingdom. With Cleomenes Demaretus had fallen out greatly, previously when he had led the host from Eleusis and, in particular, then when against those of the Aeginetians who had medized Cleomenes had crossed over.
Hence, minded to take vengeance, Cleomenes contracted with Leutychides, Menares’ son, Agis’ son, who was of the same house as Demaretus, on condition that, if he established him as king instead of Demaretus, he would follow him against the Aeginetians. Now, Leutychides was most hostile to Demaretus and had become on account of a matter like this: after Leutychides had Percalus, Demarmenus’ daughter, betrothed to himself, Demaretus took counsel against and deprived Leutychides of his marriage, as he himself anticipated him by seizing Percalus and having her as a wife. In accordance with that Leutychides’ enmity toward Demaretus had come into being and at that time in consequence of Cleomenes’ eagerness Leutychides took an oath against Demaretus and asserted that he by right was not king of the Spartiates, because he was not the son of Ariston. Then after his taking an oath against him he was performing a prosecution by bringing back up to safety that saying that Ariston had said then when to him the member of his household had announced out a child had been born, and he counted the months and made a denial on oath by asserting it was not his. Taking his stand on that statement indeed, Leutychides was bringing away to light that Demaretus neither had been born of Ariston nor by right was king of Sparta and was furnishing for himself the ephors as witnesses, who then in fact were sitters by and had heard that from Ariston.
Then finally, quarrels being about it, it seemed good to the Spartiates to ask of the oracle in Delphi whether Demaretus was Ariston’s son. And, it having been brought up by the set mind of Cleomenes to the Pythia, thereupon Cleomenes won over Cobon, Aristophantus’ son, a man who among the Delphians was the greatest dynast, and Cobon convinced Periallus the prophetess what Cleomenes wanted to be said to say. Thus indeed the Pythia, when the messengers sent to the god were doing the asking, was judging that Demaretus was not ArIston’s son. However, at a later time that became entirely learned by inquiry and Cobon fled from Delphi and Periallus the prophetess was made to cease from her honor.
Indeed concerning Demaretus’ deposition from the kingdom thus it happened and Demaretus fled from Sparta to the Medes because of a reproach like this: after the deposition from the kingdom Demaretus was ruling, because he had been chosen, in a position of rulership. It was indeed the festival of Naked Boys and, Demaretus watching, Leutychides, who had become by then king instead of him, sent an attendant for a laugh and a mock and was asking Demaretus what kind of a thing was ruling after being king. Then he, being pained at the asking on, spoke by asserting that he himself of both by then had made trial, while that one had not, and that that asking on, however, would begin for the Lacedaemonians either myriad evil or myriad happiness. So, having said that and having covered himself completely, he went from the theater to his house and immediately, having prepared himself, he was sacrificing to Zeus an ox. Then, after he had sacrificed, he called his mother.
And of his mother, when she had come, he put into the hands of her some of the inwards and was making entreaty earnestly by saying words like this: “O mother, laying hold down on all the other gods and Zeus of the fence here, I entreat you to point out to me the truth. Who is my father by a correct speech? For Leutychides made an assertion in the quarrels by saying you, being pregnant by your former husband, thus went to Ariston, and others an even more foolish speech speak and assert that you went to the ass-keeper among the members of the household and I am his child. Hence I go after you by the gods to speak the truth; for both, if you have done any of what’s being said, you are not quite the only to have performed the doing, but are with many women, and the speech is prevalent in Sparta that in Ariston no seed productive of children was, because there would have brought forth for him also his former wives”.
He indeed was saying words like that and she replied with this: “O child, since you go after me with entreaties to speak the truth, everything true to you will be said utterly. When Ariston had brought me for himself into his house, the third night after the first there went to me an apparition that made itself seen like Ariston and, after it had shared the bed, the crowns that it had it put on me. And it was gone and there was present after that Ariston. Then, when he had seen me with crowns, he was asking who was my giver and I asserted he, but he refused to admit it. Then I took an oath in opposition and asserted for myself that he was not acting beautifully in making a denial, because a little somewhat before, after he had gone and shared the bed, he had given me the crowns. So seeing I was swearing in opposition, Ariston learned that the matter was divine. In fact, on the one hand, the crowns manifestly were from the hero’s shrine set up by the doors of the courtyard, which they call Astrabacus’, and, on the other, the prophets were answering that the hero was that same one. Thus, o child, you have every single thing that in fact you want to learn by inquiry. For either you have been born of that hero and your father is Astrabacus the hero or Ariston is; for on that night I conceived you. And where your enemies lay hold down on you most by saying that Ariston himself, when to him you had been announced as having been born, while many were hearing, asserted that you were not his, since the time not yet had not gone out, because of lack of knowledge of things like that that one cast away that saying. For women bring forth after both nine months and seven months, because in fact not all bring out to the end ten months, and I, o child, brought you forth after seven months. Moreover, even Ariston himself came to know not after a long time that because of lack of thinking he had thrown out that saying. Now, other speeches about your birth stop receiving; for you have heard all that’s most true. And from ass-keepers for Leutychides himself and those who give those accounts may their wives bring forth children”.
She indeed was saying that and he, having learned by inquiry what he wanted and taken things for the way, made his way to Elis and by his speech asserted that to Delphi to consult for an oracle the oracle he made his way. But the Lacedaemonians, having suspected that Demaretus was laying his hand on running, were pursuing. And somehow Demaretus anticipated them in crossing to Zacynthus from Elis and the Lacedaemonians, having crossed after, laid hold of him and took away his servants from him. Then afterwards, because the Zacynthians would not give him up, thence he crossed to Asia to King Darius. And he received him in grandly and gave land and cities. Thus came to Asia Demaretus and he made use of a fortune like that, one who in numerous other respects to the Lacedaemonians by deeds and opinions had become brilliant, and moreover indeed also an Olympic victory on them, when he had taken up hold of it for himself with a team of four horses, he conferred, the only one of quite all those who had become kings in Sparta to have done that.