Then, while that one was still engaged in that calling on, the Tegeans, having stood up and out first, were moving their place to the barbarians, and for the Lacedaemonians immediately after the prayer of Pausanies, while they were sacrificing for themselves, the slaughtered victims were proving useful. So, when they were proving at last in time of avail, those also were moving their place against the Persians, and, the Persians facing having let go of their bows, then there was being waged first round the wicker shields a battle and, when those had fallen, by then there was waged a violent battle alongside the temple of Demeter, and for much time, until they came to close struggling; for their lances the barbarians were taking hold of for themselves and snapping off. Now, although in courage and strength the Persians were not less, yet they, being without gear and, in addition, without understanding, were also not similar to their adversaries in wisdom; so in darting out in front, one by one, and in turning themselves, ten or more or less, together they were falling on the Spartiates and being destroyed.
Moreover, where Mardonius himself in fact was, who was battling from a white horse and had round himself picked men of the Persians, the best thousand, there, then, in fact to the highest degree their adversaries they oppressed. Now, although all the time that Mardonius was surviving, they, then, were holding out and, in defending themselves, throwing down many of the Lacedaemonians, yet, when Mardonius had died, and what had been posted round him, which was his strongest force, fallen, thus indeed the rest both turned themselves and yielded to the Lacedaemonians. For most them was their apparel harming, because it was bereft of gear; for against hoplites they, being lightly armed, were engaging in a competition.
Thereupon the penalty for the killing of Leonides in accordance with the oracle for the Spartiates by Mardonius was being brought to completion, and a victory was taking up for himself, the most beautiful of all jointly that we know of, Pausanies, Cleombrotus’ son, Anaxandrides’ son. And of the earlier forebears of him the names have been said until Leonides; for the same in fact were theirs. Mardonius, then, died through the agency of Arimnestus, a man in Sparta to give account of, who a time later after the affairs of the Medes with three hundred men gave battle in Stenyclerus, there being war with all Messenians, and he himself died as well as the three hundred.
Then in Plataeae the Persians, when they had turned themselves through the agency of the Lacedaemonians, were fleeing with no order to their army camp and to the wooden wall that they had made for themselves in the Theban portion. Now, it’s a marvel to me how, although alongside Demeter’s grove they were battling, not even one manifestly of the Persians either went into the sacred precinct or died inside—in short, round the shrine in the unhallowed ground they fell—and, I think, if one has to think anything about the divine matters, the god herself would not receive them, because they burned down the house of the lords in Eleusis.
Now, that battle over that great an extent was waged, and Artabazus, Pharnaces’ son, immediately was not pleased originally when Mardonius was being left by the king and that time, although he was publicly speaking many prohibitions, could achieve nothing when he was not allowing giving battle, and he by himself performed deeds like these on the grounds that he was not pleased with the deed that was being performed by Mardonius: Those of whom he, Artabazus, was the general (and he had no little power but in fact to the sum of four myriads of human beings round himself), when giving battle was being engaged in, because he knew fully well what was to step forth from the battle, he was leading utterly readied, after he had announced out that all should go after the same fashion wherever he himself lead out however they saw he was in haste. Having announced that out, as for battle he was leading forsooth the army, and, when he was beginning to be forward in the way, he saw that even then the Persians were fleeing. Thus indeed no longer in the same order he was conducting his leading down; rather, the quickest way he was racing in his fleeing neither to the wooden wall nor to the Thebans’ wall, but to the Phocaeans, because he wished as quickly as possible to come to the Hellespont.
And lo!, although those that way turned themselves, yet, when the rest of the Greeks with the king were willingly bad, the Boeotians battled the Athenians for a long time; for those, who were medizing among the Thebans, had no little eagerness in battling and not being willingly bad thus that three hundred, the first and best, there fell through the agency of the Athenians, and, when those too had turned themselves, they were fleeing to Thebes, not precisely where the Persians and the whole crowd of the rest of the allies that had neither fought thoroughly anyone nor shown forth anything were fleeing.
In short, it makes clear to me that all the affairs of the barbarians depended on the Persians, if in fact that time before they even joined battle with the enemies they were fleeing, in that they were seeing that the Persians also were. And thus all were fleeing except the rest of the horse and the Boeotian, but that was performing that many benefits as follow in addition for those fleeing: It on each and every occasion towards the enemies was nearest and was keeping those friendly in their fleeing from the Greeks. Those prevailing indeed were following; they were pursuing and killing Xerxes’ men.
And in that fear that was coming about it was announced to the rest of the Greeks who were posted round the temple of Hera and had come to be absent from the battle, that a battle had been waged and those with Pausanies were the prevailing, and they, having heard that, posted in no order, some round with the Corinthians turned themselves through the foothills and the hills the way that leads up straight to the shrine of Demeter and some round with the Megarians and the Phleiasians through the plain over the smoothest of the ways. Then, when the Megarians and the Phleiasians were coming to be near the enemies, the horsemen of the Thebans caught sight from a distance of their hastening with no order and were driving against them their horses, the ruler of which horses was Asopodorus, Timandrus’ son, and, after they had fallen on them, they laid low six hundred of them, and those left they drove back in their pursuing to Cithaeron.
Those indeed perished in no account, and the Persians and the rest of the crowd, when they had fled down to the wooden wall, acted in anticipation by stepping up on the towers before the Lacedaemonians came and, after they had stepped up, they made a barricade for themselves, as best as they could, of the wall. Then, the Lacedaemonians having gone forward, there was established for them a fiercer battle at the wall; for, as long as the Athenians were absent, they, then, were defending themselves and had the advantage by far over the Lacedaemonians, seeing that they understood not how to battle at a wall, but, when the Athenians had gone forward to them, thus indeed there was being waged a violent battle at the wall and for much time. Then, finally, by virtue and perseverance the Athenians stepped upon the wall and reduced it to ruins, and it was there where indeed the Greeks were pouring themselves in. So, the Tegeans were the first to go into the wall, and of the tent of Mardonius those were the thorough seizers, of all else from it and the manger of the horses, as it was all bronze and worthy of beholding. Now, that manger of Mardonius’ the Tegeans dedicated in the temple of Alean Athena, and the rest into the same spot, precisely what they had taken hold of, they brought for the Greeks. Then the barbarians made for themselves no longer any rank, when the wall had fallen; both no one of them remembered valor and they were wandering distraught inasmuch as in a little place they were afraid and many myriads of human beings cooped up. In short, it was at hand for the Greeks to kill thus so as, of the thirty myriads of army that utterly lacked the four, having which Artabazus was fleeing, left, for not even three thousand to become survivors, while among the Lacedaemonians from Sparta there died in all in the giving battle one and ninety, among the Tegeans sixteen and among the Athenians two and fifty.
Now, there was best among the barbarians, as foot, that of the Persians, as horse, that of the Sacians and, as a man, it is given as an account, Mardonius, while among the Greeks, both the Tegeans and the Athenians having proven good, the Lacedaemonians excelled in virtue. Because of nothing else am I able to give out an indication for myself—for those, all jointly, over those opposite themselves were prevailing—but in that with the most strength they were brought in opposition and over those they gained mastery. In fact, the best by a great deal proved Aristodemus in accordance with my judgements, who, from Thermopylae, alone of the three hundred, having been brought to safety, had reproach and dishonor. Then after that one the best were Poseidonius and Philocyon as well as Amompharetus, Spartiates. And yet a conversation having been had about who had proven best among them, those of the Spartiates who had come to be present came to the decision that Aristodemus, for his part, wanting visibly to die in consequence of the blame that was on hand for him, when he was raging and leaving his post out, had shown forth great works, and Poseidonius, for his, not wanting to die, proved a good man, that by that much that latter one was better. But that verily by envy in fact they might have spoken, as those whom I have set down an account of all, except Aristodemus, among those who had died in that battle proved honored, and Aristodemus, who wanted to die on account of the blame spoken of above, was not honored.
Those, for their part, proved the most named among those in Plataeae; for Callicles died outside of the battle, having gone to the army camp as the most beautiful man of the Greeks of that time, not only of the Lacedaemonians but also of the rest of the Greeks, who, when Pausanies was slaughtering sacrifices, while he was sitting down in his post, was wounded by an arrow in his sides. In fact lo!, as some were battling, so he, carried out, was dying reluctantly and giving account before Arimnestus, a man of Plataeae, that it was not a care to him that on behalf of Greece he was dying, but that he had not made use of his hand and that no work had been shown forth by him worthy of himself, although he was eager to show forth for himself.
Then among the Athenians there is given an account of being well thought of Sophanes, Eutychides’ son, from the deme of Decelee and of the Decelians who once worked a work useful for the whole of time, as the Athenians themselves give account. For, when indeed anciently for Helen’s conveying the Tydaridae had thrown into the land of Attica with an army’s multitude and were causing the demes to stand up from their places, since they knew not where Helen was put out secretly, that time they give account that the Decelians, and some that Decelus himself, because he was vexed by the insolence of Theseus and fearing about the whole country of the Athenians, after he had expounded to them the whole affair, led the way down to Aphidnae, and it was that place that indeed Titacus, who was autochonous, utterly gave over to the Tydaridae. So, to the Decelians in Sparta in consequence of that work freedom from tax and front seats continue to this moment on each and every occasion still to be thus so as in the war that was waged many years later than that between the Athenians and the Peloponessians, although the Lacedaemonians were harming the rest of Attica, for them to keep themselves away from Decelee.
Sophanes, being of that deme and having been the best that time of the Athenians, has two kinds of accounts as accounts given, one that from the belt of his breastplate he was wearing an iron anchor bound with a bronze chain, which, whenever he drew near in his coming to his enemies, he threw, that indeed him his enemies, when they were falling out from their post, might not have the power to move and change the position of. Moreover, when a flight of his adversaries was being taken, it was thought good to take up his anchor and thus to give pursuit. That account, for its part, is given thus, while the other of the accounts, as one disputing the account previously given, as an account is given, that on a shield that on each and every occasion was running round and in no way motionless he was wearing an anchor and not an iron one bound to his breastplate.
There was also another brilliant work worked out by Sophanes, when, the Athenians sitting down round Aegina, Eurybates the Argian, a man victorious in the pentathlon, on the basis of a calling forth he killed. Then Sophanes himself a time later than that there befell after he had proven a good man, while he was general of the Athenians together with Leagrus, Glaucon’s son, to die through the agency of the Edonians in Datos as he was battling about the gold mines.
So, when by the Greeks in Plataeae the barbarians had been laid low, thereupon up to them a woman went, a deserter, who, after she had learned that the Persians had perished and the Greeks were prevailing, being the concubine of Pharandates, Teaspis’ son, a Persian man, when she had adorned herself with much gold, both she herself and her waiting-women, and with the most beautiful apparel of that which was present, stepped out of her covered chariot and was moving her place to the Lacedaemonians, while they were still amidst the results of their killing and, seeing that Pausanies was managing all that there, as she completely knew previously his name and his fatherland since she had heard them many times, she recognized Pausanies and she took hold for herself of his knees and was giving this account: “O king of Sparta, deliver me your suppliant from a slavery taken by spear; for you in fact hitherto helped me by causing these here to perish who for neither divinities nor gods had respect. Now, I am in birth a Coan and the daughter of Hegetorides, Antagores’ son, and with violence me the Persian took from Cos”. Then he replied with this: “Woman, take courage both as a suppliant and if indeed in addition to that you in fact give a true account and are the daughter of Hegetorides the Coan, who in fact is a foreign friend of mine in the highest degree of those who have settlements round those places”. Having said that, as that time he entrusted her to those of the ephors who were present, so later he sent her away to Aegina, to which she herself wished to go.
Then after the coming of the woman, immediately after that, came Mantinians after things had been worked out and, when they had learned that they were arrived later than the giving battle, they thought it a great misfortune and asserted that they were worthy of punishing. Then, having learned by inquiry that the Medes with Artabazus were fleeing, they were pursuing those up to Thessaly, while the Lacedaemonians were trying to allow no pursuing them in their fleeing, and they, after they had moved their place back to their own land, pursued the leaders of their host out of the land. Then after the Mantinians were arrived the Eleans, and the Eleans in the same way as the Mantinians considered it a misfortune and were departing, and, after they had gone away, those also pursued their leaders. The matters concerning the Mantinians and the Eleans were that great.
And in Plataeae in the army camp of the Aeginetians was Lampon, Pythees’ son, being the first of the Aeginetians, who had the unholiest account and was rushing toward Pausanies and, after he had come, with haste he was giving this account: “O child of Cleombrotus, a work has been worked out by you grown high above in magnitude and beauty, to you a god has given over to deliver Greece and put down the greatest renown for yourself among the Greeks that we know of. Then also perform you the deeds left on top of that, that an account may have you still greater and everyone later among the barbarians guard themselves from making a beginning of performing untoward works against the Greeks. For, when Leonides had died in Thermopylae, Mardonius and Xerxes cut off and impaled his head, of which if you give back the like, you will have commendation first through the agency of all Spartiates and afterwards also at the hands of the rest of the Greeks; for, having impaled Mardonius, you will have taken yourself vengeance for your father’s brother Leonides”. The one, thinking that he was producing gratification, was giving this account, but the other replied in opposition with this: “O Aeginetian stranger, although your being well disposed and seeing ahead I admire, however, you have missed the mark of useful judgement; for, after you have raised me on high as well as my fatherland and my work, to nothing have you performed a casting down by recommending maltreating a corpse, and if I do that, by asserting that I will be spoken of better; that befits the barbarians to do more precisely than the Greeks, and against those also we bear a grudge. However, may I, so far as concerns that, find favor with neither the Aeginetians nor them to whom that is pleasing, but it suffices me, being pleasing to the Spartiates, to perform holy deeds and also to give holy accounts. So, for Leonides, for whom you bid me take vengeance, I assert that I have taken myself vengeance greatly; by the numberless souls of these here he himself is honored as well as the rest who met their end in Thermopylae. You, however, longer, while you have an account like this present one, neither go forward nor give counsel, to me at least, and know gratitude that you are without suffering”.
The one, having heard that, was departing, and Pausanies, having had made a heralding that no one should touch the spoils, was bidding the helots convey together the riches. Then they throughout the army camp were being scattered and finding tents adorned with gold and silver, recliners overlaid with gold and overlaid with silver and bowls of gold as well as libation saucers and other vessels to drink from; they were both finding sacks on carts, in which cauldrons manifestly were, gold and silver, and stripping from the lying corpses bangles and torques as well as the Persian swords, because they were gold, since of embroidered apparel, at any rate, not even one account was being made. Thereupon many things the helots were stealing and selling to the Aeginetians and many also they were showing forth, all of them that it was not possible to steal. And so the Aeginetians’ great amounts of wealth, to begin with, thence became, who the gold, inasmuch as it was bronze forsooth, from the helots were buying.
Then, having brought together the wealth, and a tithe having taken out for the god in Delphi, from which the golden tripod was dedicated that stands near the three-headed bronze snake nearest the altar, and having taken out for the god in Olympia, from which a bronze Zeus of ten cubits they dedicated, and for the god in the Isthmus, from which a bronze Poseidon of seven cubits was completely made, that having taken out, they were distributing among themselves the things left and each group took hold of that of which they were worthy, both the concubines of the Persians and the gold and the silver as well as other wealth and yoke-animals. Now, although of all the perquisites that to those who were best among them in Plataeae were given an account is given by none, yet I for my part think that in fact to those they were given. Moreover, ten of all were taken out and given to Pausanies: women, horses, talents, camels, and in the same way also the rest of the wealth.
Further, an account is given that this also happened, how Xerxes in his fleeing from Greece for Mardonius left behind his furniture, and that Pausanies accordingly, when he was seeing the furniture of Mardonius furnished with gold and silver and embroidered things for spreading in front, bade the bakers and the chefs after the same fashion as Mardonius’ prepare a dinner. Then, when those, being bidden, were doing that, thereupon Pausanies, when he had seen both recliners of gold and of silver strewn well and tables of gold and of silver as well as the dinner’s magnificent preparation, completely struck at the good things put forth, bade for a laugh his own servants prepare a Laconian dinner and, when, the banquet made, the difference was large, Pausanies with a laugh sent for the generals of the Greeks and, after they had gone together, Pausanies said, as he was pointing to each preparation of the dinner, “Men of Greece, for this purpose I brought you together, because I wanted to show you the lack of thinking of the Mede, who, although he had a diet like this, went to us, although we had one thus sorry, to perform a taking away for himself”. That Pausanies, an account is given, said to the generals of the Greeks.
However, a time later, after that, also numerous of the Plataeans found chests of gold and of silver as well as of the rest of the riches. Moreover, there appeared also this still later that that: The corpses bared of their fleshes all round, since the Plataeans were bringing together the bones into one place, there was found a head that had no suture but was made of one bone, and there appeared also a jaw and the upper part of the jaw that had teeth grown as one piece, all made out of one bone, the teeth and molars, and bones of a man of five cubits appeared.
The next day Mardonius’ corpse was made to disappear; although by whom among human beings I am not able to make an exact statement, yet by now many ones from all places I have heard buried Mardonius, and great gifts I know many took hold of from Artontes, the child of Mardonius, on account of that work. However, who of them was the one who took up for himself and buried the corpse of Mardonius, I have not the power to learn by inquiry exactly. Further, Dionysophanes, an man from Ephesus, also has a report that he buried Mardonius.
Well, as he was buried in a manner, so the Greeks, when in Plataeae they had distributed among themselves the spoils, were burying their own, each group separately. The Lacedaemonians, for their part, made themselves three tombs: There, in the first instance, they buried the cadets, among whom were both Poseidonius and Amompharetus as well as Philocyon and Callicrates. In one of the tombs indeed, in the first instance, were the cadets, and in the other the rest of the Spartiates, and in the third the helots. Those, for their part, were performing burial thus, and the Tegeans, for theirs, were separately of all gathered together, and the Athenians were of their own in a like place, and the Megarians and the Phleiasians were of those destroyed by the horse. Of all those indeed the burial places proved full, but regarding the burial places of all the rest which also manifestly are in Plataeae, those then, as I have learned by inquiry, because they were ashamed of their being absent from the battle, each group, heaped empty mounds for the human beings born afterwards’ sake, since in fact of the Aeginetians there is at the very spot a so-called tomb that I have heard in fact ten years later, after that, at the requesting of the Aeginetians there heaped up Cleades, Autodicus’ son, a Plataean man, because he was their public host.
Then, when, after all, the Greeks had buried their corpses in Plataeae, immediately to them, when they were taking counsel for themselves, it seemed good to advance with an army against Thebes and ask for those of them who had medized and, among the first of them, Timegenides and Attaginus, who were the beginning leaders with the first, and, if they gave them forth not, to not stand up away from the city before they should completely take it. So, when that had seemed good to them, thus indeed the eleventh day after their giving battle they came and were besieging the Thebans, while they kept on bidding give the men forth, but, the Thebans not wanting to perform the giving forth, their land they were cutting and they were making an attack against the wall.
In fact, because they would not cease doing harm, the twentieth day Timegenides gave this account to the Thebans: “Men of Thebes, since thus it has seemed good to the Greeks, not to stand up away in their besieging before they should completely take Thebes or you should give us over to them, accordingly, now because of us let not the land of Boeotia fill up with more, but, if, because they lack wealth, as a pretext they ask for themselves us, let us give them wealth from the common store—for with the common store in fact we medized, and not we alone—but, if, because they are requesting us truly, they are conducting the siege, we will furnish ourselves for giving account in opposition”. Both he seemed to give account very well and at the right time and the Thebans immediately were sending a message through a herald for themselves to Pausanies, because they were willing to give forth the men.
Then, when they had given similar account on those conditions, although Attaginus ran away from the town, yet his children, when they had been brought away, Pausanies released from the blame and was asserting that of medizing the children were not at all sharers of the blame. But all the rest of the men that the Thebans had given forth, although they thought that they would get an opportunity for giving account in opposition and lo! by wealth they had faith they would perform a thrusting aside, yet he, when he had taken them over, with that very suspicion the whole army of the allies jointly he let go and those he brought to Corinth and was destroying. That was what happened in Plataeae and Thebes.
And Artabazus, Pharnaces’ son, in fleeing from Plataeae even then was coming to be far off. Then, when he had come, the Thessalians were calling him to entertainments for foreign friends and asking continually about the rest of the host, as they knew nothing of what had happened in Plataeae. But Artabazus in the knowledge that, if he was willing to speak to them the whole truth of the competitions, he himself would run a risk as well as the army with him—for he thought everyone would apply themselves to him when they were learning by inquiry what had happened—with the full taking of that into account he both would not publicly speak out anything to the Phocaeans and was giving this account to the Thessalians: “I, for my part, o men of Thessaly, as you see, hasten the quickest way to drive to Thrace and have eagerness, as I have been sent for a matter from the army camp with these here, and Mardonius himself, let me tell you, for his, as well as that army of his, as he is driving at my feet, is expected. That one both feast as a foreign friend and treat well manifestly; for you to do that at a time it will not repent”. Then, having said that, he was driving away with haste his host through Thessaly and Macedonia straight to Thrace, on the grounds that truly he was hastening and cutting through the inland country on his way. In fact, he came to Byzantium, after he had left over numerous among his army, because they had been chopped up by the Thracians and had come to grips with famine and fatigue. Then from Byzantium he stepped across by boats.
That one thus returned back to Asia, and within precisely the same day, within which the blow was struck in Plataeae, it happened one was struck also in Mycale in Ionia. For, when indeed in Delos the Greeks were sitting down who had come in their ships together with Leutychides the Lacedaemonian, went to them messengers from Samos, Lampon, Thrasycles’ son and Athenagores, Archestratides’ son, as well as Hegesistratus, Aristagores’ son, sent by the Samians without the notice of the Persians and the tyrant Theomestor, the son of Androdamas, whom the Persians had established as tyrant of Samos. Then, when they had gone before the generals, Hegesistratus was giving many accounts of all kinds, how, if only the Ionians saw them for themselves, they would stand away from the Persians, and how the barbarians would not wait round, and, if in fact, after all, they waited round, they would find no other catch like that; in short, calling on common gods, he was trying to turn them forth to deliver Greek men from slavery and to keep the barbarian away. Moreover, he was asserting that easy for them was that’s being done—for their ships were sailing badly and were not worthy of battle with theirs—and they themselves, if they had any suspicion that with treachery they were leading them forth, were ready to be led in their ships and be hostages.
So, when the Samian foreigner was mighty in his beseeching, Leutychides asked, because either he wished to learn by inquiry for an omen’s sake or maybe a god was acting by coincidence, “O foreigner of Samos, what’s your name?”, and he said, “Hegesistratus”. Then the other interrupted the account left over, if Hegesistratus was minded to give any account, and said, “I receive the bird of augury, o foreigner of Samos, and, you, for us bring about how you yourself with the giving of a pledge will sail away, as well as these who are with you, that yea verily the Samians will be eager allies of ours”.
At the same time he was saying that publicly and bringing forward the work; for immediately the Samians were engaging in a pledge and oaths about alliance with the Greeks. Then, as, having done that, they were sailing away—for with them he was bidding Hegesistratus sail, as he was considering his name as a bird of augury—so the Greeks, having held up that day, the day later were seeking omens, there prophesying for them Deiphonus, Euenius’ son, an Apollonian man and of the Apollonia in the Ionian gulf, whose father befell a matter like this: There are in that Apollonia cattle sacred to the sun, which the days graze alongside the river that from Lacmon, a mountain, flows through the Apollonian country to the sea alongside the Orician harbor, and the nights chosen men, those most to be thought well of for wealth and birth among their townspeople, guard, each a year; for the Apollonians consider worth quite much those cattle in consequence of a message sent by a god, and in a cave they have their quarters far from the city. Right there that time that Euenius, chosen, was guarding. In fact, on one occasion, when he had gone to sleep on his guard, wolves went by into the cave and destroyed about sixty of the cattle. Then he, when he had perceived it, was silent and pointing it out to no one, because he had in mind that he would establish others in their place, after he had purchased them. Since, in fact, that’s happening had not escaped the notice of the Apollonians, when, rather, they had learned by inquiry, they brought him before the place of judgement and made a determination against him, on the grounds that he had gone to sleep on his guard, that he should be deprived of his vision. But, when they had completely blinded Euenius, immediately after that, would neither cattle bring forth nor earth bear for them alike, and there was coming to be prophesied for them in Dodona and in Delphi, when they were asking about the cause of their present evil, that unjustly the guard of the sacred cattle Euenius of his vision did they deprive, as they themselves had set the wolves on, and would not cease taking vengeance for that one before they paid those penalties for what they had done whichever he himself chose and thought just, and, that being completed, they themselves would give Euenius a gift like that which many among human beings would think him blessed in its having.
Although that oracle to them as an oracle had been given, yet the Apollonians made it for themselves not to be spoken and put forth to men among their townspeople to thoroughly see to the matter. Then they for them thoroughly saw to the matter thus: When Euenius was sitting down on a chair, they, having gone, were sitting by him and engaging in other accounts until they came down to join him in being pained by his suffering. Then, by in that way leading him on gradually, they were asking which penalty he would choose, if the Apollonians should be willing to undertake to pay penalties for what they had done, and he, not having heard the message from the god, chose by saying, if anyone should give him fields of his townspeople (and he named them whose he knew were the two most beautiful plots of those in Apollonia) and housing in addition to that that he knew was the most beautiful of that in the city—then, of that, he asserted, should he come to be in possession, the time left he would be without wrath, and that as a penalty sufficed him in its becoming his. As, in fact, he was giving this account, so those sitting by said in reply, “Euenius, that as a penalty the Apollonians for your complete blinding pay out to you in accordance with the messages from the god that have been given”. Although he indeed thereupon was thinking it terrible, after he had learned by inquiry every account thence, on the grounds that he had been completely deceived, yet they purchased from their possessors and gave him what he had chosen, and after that immediately he had innate prophesy so as in fact to become named.
Deiphonus, being the child of that Euenius indeed, at the Corinthian’s leading, was prophesying for the host. But by now also this have I heard, that Deiphonus, taking his stand on the name of Euenius, was taking up works over the whole extent of Greece, though he was not Euenius’ child.