Then Mardonius, when Alexander had returned back and given him the indications from the Athenians’ side, set off from Thessaly and was leading his host with haste against Athens and, wherever on each occasion he came to be, he took over those there. In respect to the leaders of Thessaly then both what had been done before that repented them nothing and more by far were they leading in the Persian; in fact, Thorex the Lerisian had joined in sending forth Xerxes in his flight and that time out in the light let Mardonius go by against Greece.
So, after the army in making its passage had come to be among the Boeotians, the Thebans were taking hold on Mardonius and counseling him by giving account how there was no place more suitable to encamp one’s army in than that and they would not allow him to go farther, but to sit himself in the very spot and see how he would subject to himself the whole Greece without battle, as by might of Greeks, if they thought similarly, precisely who also formerly had formed the same judgements, it was difficult to become survivors, even for all human beings jointly, “but, if you will do what we recommend,” they asserted with giving account, “you will have without toil all the counsels of those jointly. Send money to them who are powerful in their cities and, by sending, you will cause Greece to stand in various dispositions and thence them whoever have not your thoughts easily with your men of faction you will subject to yourself”.
Although they kept counseling that, yet he could not be persuaded, but in him a terrible yearning was dripped to capture Athens a second time, partly by lack of judgement; partly with firesigns through the islands he thought he would make clear to the king, who was in Sardis, that he had Athens. He not even that time, having come to the land of Attica, found the Athenians, but both in Salamis was learning by inquiry most were and in their ships; in short, he captured the town bereft. Its capture by the king to the later arming against it by Mardonius then was done in ten months.
Then, when Mardonius had come to be in Athens, he sent to Salamis Mourychides, a man from the Hellespont, who brought the same accounts that Alexander the Macedonian also had ferried through for the Athenians, and was dispatching that off, because he had beforehand no friendly judgements from the Athenians, but in the hope that they would let themselves go from under their lack of judgement, on the grounds that captive of lance was the whole country of Attica and was under him. For that reason he sent off Mourychides to Salamis.
And he, having come before the council, was giving the account from Mardonius’ side. Then, among the counselors Lycides spoke a judgement that it seemed to him to be better to receive the account that Mourychides had brought forward to them and to carry it out to the people. He indeed was bringing off to light for himself that judgement, either probably because he had received money from Mardonius, or maybe that was pleasing him, but the Athenians immediately considered it terrible and they from the council and they from outside, when they had learned of it by inquiry, stood round and mortally stoned Lycides by their hits, whereas him from the Hellespont they sent off unharmed. Then, uproar made in Salamis about Lycides, the women among the Athenians were learning by inquiry what was being done and they, having issued one another biddings throughout their body, woman to woman, and taken over persons, went to the home of Lycides self-bidden and mortally stoned the wife and mortally the offspring of him.
Now, the Athenians stepped across to Salamis this way: While they were expecting an army from the Peloponnese would move to be present to succour them, they then remained in the land of Attica, but when some were engaging in somewhat long and somewhat leisurely acts and one who was going against them even then was accounted to be in Boeotia, thus indeed they secretly conveyed out all for themselves and themselves stepped across to Salamis and they were sending messengers to Lacedaemon partly to find fault with the Lacedaemonians, in that they had overlooked the barbarian’s having thrown into the land of Attica and had not rather gone with them to Boeotia to face him, and partly to remind them of all that the Persian had promised them, if they changed, that they would give; in short, in order to say publicly that, if they would not assist the Athenians—how in fact they by themselves would find themselves some shelter.
For indeed the Lacedaemonians were observing a festival during that time and it was Hyacinthia for them, and they held to make the provisions of the god worth most, while at the same time the wall of theirs, which wall they were building in the Isthmus, even by then was taking on parapets. So, when to Lacedaemon the messengers from Athens had come and at the same time were bringing with themselves messengers from Megara and from Plataeae, they were giving this account, when they went before the ephors: “Athenians sent us by way of giving an account that to us the king of the Medes, on the one hand, is offering back our country and, on the other, he wishes allies on the condition of an equal and similar way to have us made without treachery and deception and wishes also to offer another country in addition to ours, whichever we ourselves choose. Yet we, feeling shame before Zeus of Greece and Greece thinking terrible to give over, have not made our commendation, but have spoken for ourselves a refusal, although we are being done injustice and utterly given over by the Greeks and we know that it is more profitable to give similar account to the Persian’s precisely rather than to wage war, and no, we will not give similar account, as far as we are willing. Although in fact what’s from us, thus guileless, is distributed throughout the Greeks, yet you came that time to every kind of dread lest we give similar account to the Persian’s and, after you had learned in full our thinking distinctly, that we will in no way give over Greece, and on account of the fact that a wall for you is being drawn through the Isthmus and is at its end, lo! have a consideration of no account regarding the Athenians; you both, having compacted with us that you would show face at Boeotia, have given us over and overlook the barbarian’s having thrown into the land of Attica. Now, at the present moment the Athenians are wroth with you; for you acted not suitably. They now then bid you with whatever quickness there is a host jointly with us send out that we may receive the barbarian in the land of Attica; for, since we have missed the mark of Boeotia, in our land at any rate the Thriasian plain is most suitable to battle in”.
Then, when, after all, the ephors had heard that, they were delaying answering to the day later, and the day later to the next other; that in fact for ten days they were doing: from day to day they were delaying. And in that time all Peloponnesians were building the wall for the Isthmus with much haste and for them it was near its end. Now, I am not able to say the cause on which account at the coming of Alexander the Macedonian to Athens they had made great haste about the Athenians’ not medizing, but that time had no care, at least other than that the Isthmus was walled by them and they thought they would no longer need the Athenians at all, whereas, when Alexander had come to the land of Attica, it was not yet walled off and they were working greatly in utter fear of the Persians.
Then finally the manner of the answering and the going out of the Spartiates proved like this: the day before the last establishment of an audience was to be, Chileus, a man of Tegea, who had the greatest power among foreign friends in Lacedaemon, learned by inquiry from the ephors a whole account, and it was that account which indeed the Athenians were giving. So, having heard, Chileos was giving, after all, them this account: “Thus it is, men, ephors: If the Athenians are not united with us, but allied to the barbarian, although a wall is drawn through the Isthmus strong, large gates are spread open into the Peloponnese for the Persian. Well, hearken, before something else seems good to the Athenians that brings tripping on Greece.”
As he was offering that counsel to them, so they took hold of his account immediately and they, without having pointed out anything to the messengers come from the cities, while still night, sent out five times a thousand among the Spartiates and seven round each among the helots, after they had appointed them, while to Pausanies, Cleombrotus’ son, they entrusted the leading out. Now, the leading was proving Pleistarchus Leonides’ son’s, but the latter was still a child and the former the guardian and cousin of that one; for Cleobrotus, Pausanies’ father and Anaxandrides’ son, no longer survived, but, when he had lead off out of the Isthmus the host that had built the wall, after that not a long time he lived and died. Cleombrotus then was leading off the host out of the Isthmus on account of this: For him, when he was sacrificing for his side against the Persian, the sun became dark in the sky. So, Pausanies chose as an addition to himself Euryanax, Dorieus’ son, a man who was of the same house. As they indeed together with Pausanies had gone out of Sparta, so the messengers, when it had become day, with no knowledge about the going out, went before the ephors and had in mind indeed to depart, even themselves, each to his own land. So, they, having gone before them, were giving this account: “You, for your part, o Lacedaemonians, while you remain here on the very spot, hold Hyacinthia and play in your utter handing over of the allies! The Athenians, for theirs, on the grounds that they are being done injustice by you and because of the abandonment of allies, will reach a resolution for themselves with the Persian thus howsoever they can. Then, having reached a resolution for ourselves, because it’s clear that we become allies of the king, we will join in advancing with an army against whichever land those lead out, and you thereafter will learn whatsoever a thing steps out from it for you”. The messengers giving that account, the ephors said on oath that even then they thought that there were in Orestheium marchers against the foreigners; for they were calling the barbarians foreigners. The others, on the grounds that they had no knowledge, were asking about what was being said and they, having asked about it, learned fully all that was so that they came to be in a state of marvel and were making their passage the quickest way in pursuit; moreover, with them of the Lacedaemonians settled round five times a thousand picked men were doing that same act.
They indeed were hastening to the Isthmus, while the Argians, as soon as they had learned by inquiry that those with Pausanies had gone out from Sparta, sent a herald from among the day-runners, after he had found out the best, to the land of Attica, because beforehand they themselves had received the charge that they would hold the Spartiate from going out. He, after he had come to Sparta, was giving this account: “Mardonius, the Argians sent me to point out to you that from Lacedaemon the youth has gone out and how the Argians are not powerful enough to keep holding it from going out. Thereupon in fact take counsel well for yourself”.
As he indeed said that and was departing back, so Mardonius in no way any longer was eager to remain in the land of Attica, when he had heard that. Now, before he had learned that by inquiry, he was holding back, because he wished to have the knowledge from the Athenians’ side what kind of an act they would do, and would neither inflict woe on nor harm the land of Attica, since he hoped thoughout all that they would give similar account, but when he could not produce persuasion, after having learned a whole account, before they with Pausanies threw into the Isthmus, he was moving out of his place secretly, once he had burned down Athens and, if anywhere there was anything upright in the walls or the buildings or the shrines, thrown down and heaped together them all. Moreover, he was driving out because of this, in that both the country of Attica was not fit for horse and, if he should be prevailed over after having given battle, there was no way of departing except down a narrow path so as for even a few human beings to hold them. Accordingly, he was taking counsel for himself to move his place back over to Thebes and to give battle near a friendly city and in a country fit for horse.
As Mardonius indeed was moving out of his place secretly, so by then, while he was on the way, to him went a message, as a forerunner another host had arrived at Megara, a thousand of the Lacedaemonians, and he, having learned that by inquiry, was taking counsel for himself, because, if in any way he could first capture those, he was willing. So, he turned back and was leading his host to Megara, and his horse went forth and utterly filled with horse the Megarian country. To that land indeed farthest in Europe over the spot toward the sun’s sinking that Persian host came.
Then after that to Mardonius came a message how the Greeks were gathered jointly in the Isthmus. Thus indeed he was making his passage back through Decelee; for the rulers of Boeotia sent for those of the Asopians placed near, and those were leading him the way to the Sphendalians and thence to Tanagra. In Tanagra then a night having taken up his quarters and having turned himself the day later to Scolus, he was in the land of the Thebans, and there among the Thebans, although they were medizing, he was shearing the places, nothing in accordance with hate of them, but as he was being held by great necessity, because he wanted to have made a defensive work for the army camp, and, if, while he was giving battle, there stepped not out for him whatever kind of a thing he wished, he was having that made as a refuge. Now, his army camp, beginning from Erythrae, had arrived alongside Hysiae and was stretching to the land of Plataeae, stationed alongside the river Asopus. However, the wall at any rate was not made like that size, but each side somewhere approximately about over ten stades’ extent. So, the army having that toil, Attaginus, the son of Phrynon, a man of Thebes, prepared himself greatly and was calling to entertainments for foreign friends Mardonius himself and the fifty of the Persians most to give account of, and those, called, were following, and the dinner was being made in Thebes.
Now, this left over by now I was hearing from Thersandrus, a man from Orchomenus and to give account of to the first degree in Orchomenus. Thersandrus then asserted that he himself also was called by Attaginus to that dinner and the Thebans’ fifty men also were called, and one made each group of the two of them recline not apart, but a Persian and Theban on each recliner; that, when they were done with dinner, while they were drinking on, the Persian reclined similarly was uttering a Greek tongue and asked him from where he was and he answered that he was from Orchomenus; that that one then said, “Now, since you have come to be tabled similarly and libated similarly to me, memorials of my judgement for you I wish to leave behind myself, that in fact you may have foreknowledge and by yourself about yourself be able to take the profitable counsel for yourself. See you those Persians who are feasting themselves and the army that we have left encamped as an army by the river? Of all those you will see, a little time having gone by, a little number them who become survivors”; that at the same time the Persian was giving that account and letting go freely many of his tears, and he himself marvelled at the account and said to him, “Accordingly, have you not to give that account to Mardonius and them with him who are in commendation among the Persians?”; and that that one then after that said, “Foreigner, whatever must come to be from the god, it’s uncontrivable to turn away for a human being; for in fact givers of credible accounts no one is willing to obey. And, although that we, numerous of the Persians, understand, we follow bound in necessity, and that’s the most hateful anguish of those among human beings, to think many things and have mastery over none”. That from the one from Orchomenus, Thersandrus, I was hearing, and this in addition to that, that he himself immediately was giving that account to human beings before the battle in Plataeae was waged.
Now, while Mardonius was encamped with the army, though the rest, all jointly, were furnishing for themselves a host and joined in throwing into Athens, precisely who were medizing among the Greeks settled there, yet the Phocaeans joined not in throwing in; for those also were medizing with vehemence, not willingly but by necessity. Then not many days later, after the coming to Thebes, went a thousand hoplites from among them and the leader of them was Harmocydes, a man most to be thought good of his fellow-townsmen, and, when those also had come to Thebes, Mardonius sent and was bidding them by themselves to be seated in the plain and, when they had done that, immediately was present all the horse jointly. Then after that, as went out through the Greek army camp that was with the Medes a report that he would shoot them down with javelins, so went out through the Phocaeans themselves that same. Then indeed their general Harmocydes was making recommendations to them by giving an account like this: “O Phocaeans, because it’s clear beforehand that those human beings are to give us to foreseen death, since we have been slandered by the Thessalians, as I hold likely, now accordingly every single man of you must prove good; for it’s better as actors of some deed and defenders of selves to meet the end of the span precisely than as furnishers over to be destroyed by a most shameful doom. Well, let every one of them learn that they, being barbarians, against Greek men have stitched together killing”.
As he was making that recommendation, so the horsemen, after they had encircled them for themselves, were driving in opposition, as if they would cause them to perish, and lo! were stretching themselves their missiles out, as if they would let them go forth, and somewhere some one in fact let one go forth. And those facing stood, after having turned together every way and made close themselves as much as possible. Thereupon the horsemen were turning away and driving off back. I then am not able to say exactly either whether they went to cause the Phocaeans to perish at the requesting of the Thessalians and, when they were seeing that they were turned to resistance, in fear lest against them a blow be struck, thus indeed they were driving off back (for thus Mardonius had enjoined on them) or whether they wished to make trial of them whether they had any share of valor, but, when the horsemen had driven off back, Mardonius sent a herald and was giving this account: “Be bold, Phocaeans—for you manifestly are good men, not as I had learned by inquiry—and now eagerly bear that war here; for in benefactions you will not prevail over either, accordingly, me or the king”. The deeds about the Phocaeans were done to a point like that in magnitude.
And the Lacedaemonians, when they had gone into the Isthmus, in that spot were encamping as an army, and they, having learned by inquiry that, the Peloponnesians left, to whom the better things were pleasing, and they also who were seeing that the Spartiates were going out, thought not just to be left out of the going out. Indeed accordingly from the Isthmus, the omens having been favorable, all were making their passage and came to Eleusis, and they, having done sacred acts there also, when the omens were being favorable for them, were making their passage farther, and the Athenians jointly with them, after having stepped across from Salamis and been mixed together in Eleusis. So, when, after all, they had come in Boeotia to Erythrae and learned indeed that the barbarians were encamping as an army by the Asopus, they then pointed that out to themselves and were stationing themselves on the foothills of Cithaeron.
Mardonius then, when the Greeks would not step down to the plain, sent to them all his horse, the ruler of which horse was Masistius, being thought well of on the Persians’ side, whom the Greeks call Macistius, with a Nisaean horse, golden-bridled and otherwise adorned beautifully. Thereupon, when the horsemen had driven forward toward the Greeks, they were attacking, regiment by regiment, and they, in their attacking, were working out great evils and abusively calling them women.
Then by coincidence the Megarians in fact were stationed where in the whole place it was most open to battle, and the going in opposition of the horse was most conducted there. Accordingly, the horse keeping attacking, the Megarians, being oppressed, were sending before the generals of the Greeks a herald, and the herald came and was giving to them this account: “The Megarians say, ‘We, allied men, are not powerful enough to receive the horse of the Persians alone with that as a station at which we stood to begin with, but in fact hitherto with perseverance and virtue we have been holding out in opposition, although we are being oppressed. In short, now, if you will not send any others as successors of the post, know that we will fully leave the post”. As he indeed was announcing that off to them, so Pausanies was making a trial of the Greeks whether there were willing any others willingly to go to that place and station themselves as successors to the Megarians and, as the rest wanted it not, the Athenians received the undertaking and of the Athenians the three hundred picked men, the leader of which company was Olympiodorus, the son of Lampon.
Those were they who received the undertaking and they who were stationed on behalf of the rest of the Greeks who were present at Erythrae, after having chosen in addition their bowmen. Then, when they were battling over an extent of time, an end was made like this in the battle: The horse attacking, regiment by regiment, the horse of Masistius that was keeping in front of the rest was hit by an arrow in its sides and in pain stood upright and shook Masistius off from itself. Then, after he had fallen, the Athenians immediately were applied to him; his horse indeed they took hold of and him, while he was defending himself, they killed, though at the beginning they had not the power; for he was dressed up thus: Inside he had a scaly golden breastplate, and down over the breastplate a crimson tunic he had donned on. So, by striking into the breastplate they were doing nothing, at any rate precisely before someone learned what was being done and smote him to his eye. Thus indeed he fell and died. Now, somehow that’s happening had escaped the notice of the rest of the horsemen, as they neither had seen that he had fallen from his horse nor that he was dying; while a movement back to their place and a turn round was being made, they had not learned what was happening, but, after they had come to a stand, immediately they longed, as no one was the stationer of them and they, having learned what had happened, issued one another biddings throughout their body and all were driving their horses that they might take up for themselves the corpse at least.
Then the Athenians, after having seen that the horsemen no longer were driving toward their adversary, regiment by regiment, but all at the same time, let out a shout for themselves for the rest of the host, and, while the whole foot jointly were coming on to the rescue, in that interval a keen battle about the corpse was waged. Now, as long as the three hundred were alone, they were being worsted by far and leaving behind the corpse, but, when the multitude had come to their rescue, thus indeed no longer could the horsemen remain on and it came not about for them to take up the corpse for themselves; rather in addition to that one they caused others to perish among the horsemen. Accordingly, having stood away approximately two stades, they were taking counsel about what they had to do, and it seemed good to them, there being anarchy, to drive off to Mardonius’ side.
Then, when the horse had come to the army camp, they expressed sorrow for Masistius, all the host and Mardonius, most greatly, as they were shearing themselves and their horses and their yoke-animals and making use of endless wailing; for all Boeotia jointly a ringing was occupying on the grounds that a man had perished most to be given account of, at least after Mardonius, among the Persians and the king. Now, the barbarians in their manner were honoring Masistius.
And the Greeks, when the horse they had received in its attacking and, after having made the reception, thrust away from themselves, become more bold by far, and first they put into a wagon and were conveying the corpse alongside the posts—for the corpse was worthy of beholding because of magnitude and beauty, and because of that they also were doing that following act: they were leaving behind their posts and going frequently to behold Masistius—and afterwards it seemed good to them to step down on into Plataeae; for the place manifestly was more suitable by far for them to encamp as an army in, the Plataean than the Erythraean, in all other respects and was more well-watered. Into that place indeed and upon the Gargaphian spring that was in that land it seemed to them they had to come and, posted variously, to encamp as an army. So, they took up their gear and went through the foothills of Cithaeron alongside Hysiae into the land of Plataeae and, after having come, they were posting themselves, nation by nation, near the Gargaphian spring and the sacred precinct of Androcrates the hero through not high hills and a flat place.
Thereupon in the posting variously came about much wrangling of accounts between the Tegeans and the Athenians; for each group of the two thought just for themselves to have the other wing and were bringing by both recent and ancient works. On the one hand, the Tegeans were giving this account: “We from time immemorial have been thought worthy of that post by all the allies jointly in all common goings out that by now were conducted for the Peloponnesians both anciently and newly from that time when the sons of Heracles were trying after the death of Eurystheus to go back down into the Peloponnese. That time we found ourselves that on account of a matter like this: When with the Achaeans and the Ionians who that time were in the Peloponnese we had come out to the rescue to the Isthmus and were seated facing them who were attempting to go back down, that time accordingly, there’s an account, Hyllus spoke publicly for himself that the army with the army had not to run up a risk in giving battle, but from the Peloponnesian army camp that one among themselves whomever they judged to be best to battle alone with him on the conditions put down. In short, it seemed to the Peloponnesians that had to be done and they swore an oath on the condition of an account like this: If Hyllus prevailed over the leader of the Peloponnesians, the sons of Heracles should go back down to their fathers’ spots, but, if he was prevailed over, on the contrary, the sons of Heracles should depart and lead off the host and they a hundred years should not seek going back down to the Peloponnese. Indeed there was judged first out of all the allies willingly Echemus, Eeropus’ son, Phegeus’ son, who was our general and king, and he alone battled and killed Hyllus. In consequence of that work we found ourselves among the Peloponnesians of that time both many other privileges that we continue to have and to be the leader on each and every occasion of the other wing, a common going out being conducted. Now, though you, o Lacedaemonians, we oppose not, but offer choice of which wing of the two you want to rule and let it go by, yet of the other we assert to us it comes to be the leader precisely just as in the time formerly. In short, apart from that work related, we are worthier in victory than the Athenians to have that post. For as many that were good against you by us, Spartiate men, have been the competitions competed and as many also against others. Thus accordingly it’s just for us to have the other wing precisely rather than the Athenians; for not theirs are precisely the kind of works that have been utterly worked out by us, either, accordingly, recent or ancient ones”.
As they were giving that account, so the Athenians thereupon gave this reply: “Although we understand this going together here for battle’s purpose has been gathered together against the barbarian, but not for accounts’, yet, since the Tegean has put forth to give account of ancient and recent works that have been worked out as useful by each group of the two in the whole of time, it is necessary for us to make clear to you whence it is of our fathers’ for us, who are useful, on each and every occasion to be first rather than for the Arcadians. The sons of Heracles, of whom those assert they killed the leader in the Isthmus, when those previously were being driven out by all Greeks, to whom they came in flight from slavery at the hands of the Mycenians, we alone having received in and took down the insolence of Eurystheus, after having with those prevailed over in battle them who that time had the Peloponnese. On the other hand, regarding the Argians who with Polyneices had driven against Thebes, when they had met the end of their span and were lying unburied, we, after having advanced with an army against the Cadmians, took up for ourselves their corpses, we assert, and performed burial in our land in Eleusis. Moreover, there is ours a work that was good also against the Amazonian women from the Thermodon river, when they threw on one occasion into the land of Attica, and in the Trojan toils we were left behind none. But no more, as it profits nothing to remember those things; for in fact, being useful that time, the same now could be meaner and, that time being mean, now could be better. Now, let there be enough of ancient works and, if nothing else has been shown forth by us, precisely as there have been many things that were good, if by any others among the Greeks, well, in fact in consequence of our work in Marathon we are worthy to have that privilege and others in addition to that, since we, alone of the Greeks quite, alone battled the Persians, and, after having put our hand to a work like that in magnitude, we became survivors and prevailed over six and forty nations. Are we not justified in having that post in consequence of that work alone? But, because not on the occasion of a matter like this for a post’s sake is it fitting to be factious, we are prepared to obey you, o Lacedaemonians, to stand where it is thought to be most suitable for us and opposite whom; for we, posted anywhere, will try to be useful. So, lead forth the way on the grounds that men will obey”.
As those were answering that, so among the Lacedaemonians the whole army camp jointly let out a shout that the Athenians were worthier in victory to have the wing precisely than the Arcadians. Thus indeed the Athenians got hold of it and overcame the Tegeans. Then, after that, they were being posted, they who came after and they who had gone to begin with among the Greeks. The right wing a myriad of Lacedaemonians had, and of those five times a thousand, who were Spartiates, lightly armed among the helots were guarding, fives times a thousand and thrice a myriad, round each man seven posted. Then next to them the Spartiates chose the Tegeans to stand because of both honor and virtue, and of those were a thousand and five hundred hoplites. Then, after those, were standing of the Corinthians five times a thousand and by their side they found themselves from Pausanies to stand of the Poteidaeans from Pallene the three hundred present. Then, being next to those, were standing six hundred Orchomenian Arcadians, and, to those, of the Sicyonians thrice a thousand. Then, being next to those, of the Epidaurians eight hundred. Then to their side of the Troezenians were being posted a thousand and, being next to the Troezenians, of the Lepreans two hundred and, to those, of the Mycenians and the Tirynthians four hundred and, being next to those, a thousand Phleiasians. Then to their side stood three hundred Hermionians. Then, being next to the Hermionians, were standing of the Eretrians and Styrians six hundred and, to those, four hundred Chalcidians and, to those, of the Ampraciotians five hundred. Then after those of the Leucadians and Anactorians eight hundred stood and, being next to those, the two hundred Palians from Cephallenia. Then after those of the Aeginetians five hundred were posted. Then to their side were being posted of the Megarians thrice a thousand. Then were next to them six hundred Plataeans. Then last and first the Athenians were being posted, who had the wing of good name, eight times a thousand, and the general of them was Aristeides, Lysimachus’son.
Those, except the seven posted for the Spartiates round each, were hoplites, who all together jointly were in number three myriads and eight thousands and seven hundreds. As all the hoplites gathered together against the barbarian were that many, so the multitude of lightly armed was this: As of the Spartiate post five times a thousand and thrice a myriad men on the grounds that there were seven round each man (and of those everyone was prepared as for war), so the lightly armed of the Lacedaemonian and Greek left, on the grounds that there was one round each man, were five hundred and four times a thousand and thrice a myriad. As indeed of all the lightly armed fit for battle jointly the multitude was six myriads and nine thousands and five hundreds, so of all the Greek force together that had gone together to Plataeae, including hoplites and lightly armed fit for battle, were eleven myriads that utterly lacked one thousand and, in addition, eight hundred men, but, including those of the Thespians present, the eleven myriads were filled out; for there were present also those of the Thespians who were survivors in the army camp to the sum of eight hundred and a thousand in number, but gear in fact those had not.