translated by Shlomo Felberbaum

Text and photographs Copyright © 1999—2003 Lost Trails
all rights reserved

Installment 43

Then, the generals having met in a fight, from Aegina crossed over Aristeides, Lysimachus’ son, an Athenian man, but one banished through ostracism by the people, who I have come to believe, because I have learned by inquiry of his manner, proved the best man in Athens and the most just. That man, standing before the sitting together, was calling out for himself Themistocles, who was not a friend of his, but an enemy in the highest degree, and through the agency of the magnitude of the evils that were on hand he was forgetting that and calling him out for himself, because he wished to commune with him. Now, he had heard beforehand that those from the Peloponnese were eager to bring their ships up to the Isthmus, and, when Themistocles had gone out for him, Aristeides was saying this: “We must be factious in all the rest of time and, in particular, in this concerning the matter of which of us more good works for our fatherland will do. And I say to you that it is equal to give many or few accounts concerning the sailing away thence for the Peloponnesians. For I, having proven an eyewitness, say to you that now, not even if the Corinthians and Eurybiades himself wish, will they be able to sail off, as we are surrounded by our enemies in a circle. Well, go in and to them that indicate”.

Then he replied with this: “Very useful exhortations you are giving and well you announced; for of what I needed to come about you yourself proved an eyewitness and are present. For know that because of me this is being done by the Medes, as, I had, when the Greeks not willingly wished to be established for battle, to make them stand for themselves on my side unwillingly. You then, precisely since you are present and announcing out useful matters, yourself make an announcement to them; for, if I say it, I will be thought to fabricate and speak and will not persuade them on the ground that the barbarians are not doing that. Well, to them indicate yourself, after you have gone near, how it is, and whenever you give the indication, if they are persuaded, the most beautiful thing is that indeed, but if to them it proves not credible, a similar matter for us will be; for they will no longer flee away, precisely if we are surrounded on all sides, as you say”.

That Aristeides was saying, after he had gone near, as he was asserting for himself that he was present from Aegina and with difficulty had sailed out and escaped the notice of those lying moored in opposition, because the whole Greek camp was surrounded by the ships of Xerxes. In short, them to prepare themselves he was advising with the intention that they would offer resistance. And he, having said that, was standing elsewhere, and again among them there was coming to be in speeches a dispute; for the greater number of the generals would not be persuaded of what had been announced out.

So, those disbelieving, there was present a trireme of Tenian men that was deserting, of which the ruler was a Tenian man, Panaetius, Sosimenes’ son, and it was precisely that which indeed was bringing the whole truth. On account of that deed then the Tenians were written on the tripod in Delphi among those who had taken down the barbarian. And accordingly together with that ship that had deserted at Salamis and the earlier, the Lemnian, that had in Artemisium the nautical force for the Greeks was filled up for its three hundred and eighty ships; for two ships then it had wanted utterly for its number.

So, when to the Greeks those accounts of the Tenians that were being said were credible, they were preparing themselves with the intention that they would fight a naval battle. Dawn was beginning a thorough bringing forth to light and they, having held a gathering of the marines—Themistocles out of all was publicly saying things that were good, and all his sayings were being put in oppositions of the better things to the worse, quite as many as in a human being’s nature and constitution come to be. Then, having advised a choosing of the better of those and having utterly plaited his statement, he bade go into the ships. As those there for their part indeed were going in, so there was present the trireme from Aegina that after the sons of Aeacus had gone abroad. Thereupon they, the Greeks, were leading up all their ships together, while, when they were leading them up for themselves, immediately the barbarians were applied to them.

All the other Greeks indeed were striking back for themselves a stern and running aground the ships, but Ameinies, a Pallenian, an Athenian man, led out and up, rammed a ship. Then, because his ship had been entangled and they were not able to be released, thus indeed all the others were coming to the rescue of Ameinies and joining battle. The Athenians say that thus came about the beginning of the naval battle, but the Aeginetians that the ship that after the sons of Aeacus had gone abroad to Aegina was that one that had made the beginning. Moreover, this account too is given, that an apparition of a woman to them appeared and she, having appeared, so exhorted for herself as for in fact the whole camp of the Greeks together to hear, after beforehand she had cast this reproach: “O divine ones, up to how much time will you still be striking back for yourselves a stern?”.

Indeed opposite the Athenians were stationed the Phoenicians, as those held the wing towards Eleusis and the west, and opposite the Lacedaemonians the Ionians, and those held the one toward the east and Peiraeeus. However, few among them were fighting badly on purpose in accordance with Themistocles’ injunctions, but the greater number were not. Now, although I can recount the names of numerous rulers of triremes who took Greek ships, yet I will make no use of them except Theomestor, Androdamas’ son, and Phylacus, Histiaeus’ son, both Samians. And because of this I mention those alone, that Theomestor on account of that deed became tyrant of Samos at the Persians’ establishing him, and Phylacus as a benefactor of the king was written up and presented with much country. (And the benefactors of the king are called orosangae in Persian.)

Now, although concerning those it was thus, yet the multitude of the ships in Salamis were worked havoc on, some that were destroyed by the Athenians and some that were by the Aeginetians. For, seeing that the Greeks were fighting the naval battle with order and in line, and the barbarians neither were lined up nor doing anything with mind, there was to happen to them precisely the thing like that that came out. And yet they were at any rate and proved that day better by far themselves than themselves, than off Euboea, as everyone was eager and fearing Xerxes. In short, each thought himself the king beheld.

Indeed concerning all the others I am not able to speak exactly how each group of the barbarians or the Greeks were competing, but concerning Artemisie this happened, from which she was well esteemed still more at the king’s court. For, when the king’s affairs had come to much disorder, in that time the ship of Artemisie was being pursued by an Attic ship, and she, not being able to flee off, because before her were other friendly ships and that of hers was in fact most towards the enemies—it seemed good to her to do this that in fact was profitable for her in her having done it; for, while she was being pursued by the Attic vessel, in her rushing she rammed a friendly ship of Calyndian men and of the Calyndians’ king himself, Damasithymus, who was on board. Whether in fact a quarrel had come about with him while they were still round the Hellespont, I however am not able at any rate to say, neither whether out of forethought she did it nor whether the Calyndians’ ship happened by chance to fall nearby, but when she had rammed and sunk it down, she enjoyed good fortune and double good works for herself did. For the ruler of the trireme, of the Attic ship, when he had seen she was ramming a ship of barbarian men, in the belief that the ship of Artemisie either was Greek or was a deserter from the barbarians and was helping them, turned away and to other vessels turned himself. On the one hand like that for her it happened to come about, to flee away and not to be destroyed, and, on the other, it so came out as for her, although she had worked an evil, in consequence of that to be most well esteemed at Xerxes’ court; for it is said that, while the king was performing his beholding, he came to know that her ship had executed a ramming, and lo! one of those that were on hand said, “Master, do you see Artemisie how well she competes and has sunk down a ship of the enemies?”. And he asked on whether truly the deed was Artemisie’s and they made the assertion, because distinctly they knew the device of her ship, and the destroyed vessel they “knew” was an enemy. For all else, as has been said, to her was profitable in its having come to be for a good fortune, and for no one of those from the Calyndian ship to be brought away to safety and become an accuser. Then Xerxes said, an account is given, in view of what was being pointed out, “The men of mine have proven women, and the women men.” That they assert Xerxes said.

So, in that toil off died the general Ariabignes, who was Darius’ son and Xerxes’ brother, and off many other named ones among the Persians and Medes and all the others, allies, but a few in fact among the Greeks; for, seeing that they knew how to swim, they whose ships were being destroyed, if they were not killed engaged in the law of hands, to Salamis swam over, but among the barbarians the greater number in the sea were destroyed, because they knew not how to swim. Then, when the vessels in front had turned themselves to flight, thereupon most were being destroyed. For those stationed behind, as they tried to go by with their ships into the space in front with the intention that they themselves too would show forth for themselves some deed to the king, fell upon their own ships as they were fleeing.

Then this too happened in that disorder: some of the Phoenicians, whose ships had been destroyed, went to the king and were saying as slander against the Ionians that on account of them their ships were destroyed on the ground that they had performed a betrayal. Hence it thus happened as for the Ionians‘ generals not to be destroyed and for those of the Phoenicians who were slandering to take hold of a wage like this: while they were still speaking, a Samothracian ship rammed an Attic ship. Indeed the Attic was sunk down and an Aeginian ship bore itself in opposition and sank down the Samothracians’ ship. Seeing that indeed the Samothracians were javelin-throwers, the marines off the ship that performed the sinking, since they were hitting them, they swept and they stepped aboard and got hold of it. The deed’s having been done delivered the Ionians. For, when Xerxes had seen that they had worked a great work, he turned himself to the Phoenicians, inasmuch as he was exceedingly pained and was blaming all, and bade cut off their heads, that they, having proven bad themselves, might not slander their betters. For, whenever Xerxes saw that any of those of his was showing forth for himself some deed in the naval battle, while he was seated down underneath the mountain opposite Salamis that is called Aegaleos, he thoroughly learned by inquiry the one who had done it and the scribes wrote up the ruler of the trireme, with his father’s name, and his city. Moreover, in addition, also Ariaramnes, who was a friend of the Ionians, a Persian man who was present contributed something to that Phoenician suffering.

They indeed turned themselves to the Phoenicians, and, when the barbarians had turned themselves to flight and were sailing out to Phalerum, the Aeginetians, having taken a position secretly in the passage, showed forth for themselves deeds worthy of account. For the Athenians in the disorder were working havoc on those standing in opposition and those fleeing among the ships, while the Aeginetians were on those sailing out. So, whenever any fled off from the Athenians, in their charging they encountered the Aeginetians.

Thereupon there met ships, that of Themistocles which was pursuing a ship and that of Polycritus, Crius’ son, an Aeginetian man, which had rammed precisely the Sidonian ship, which had captured the Aeginian vessel that was on guard off Sciathus, on which was sailing Pythees, Ischenous’ son, whom the Persians, after he had been chopped up, because of his virtue were holding on their ship and were wondering greatly at. He it was in leading whom round indeed together with the Persians the Sidonian ship was captured so as for him, Pythees, thus to be brought to safety to Aegina. So, when Polycritus had looked on the Attic ship, he came to know it through his having seen the marking of the general’s vessel, and he shouted to and mocked Themistocles by making a reproach with regard to the Aeginetians’ medism. Now that utterance, after he had rammed a ship, Polycritus cast forth against Themistocles, and the barbarians, whose ships came to be survivors, in their fleeing came to Phalerum under cover of the foot army.

In that naval battle then there were spoken of best among the Greeks the Aeginetians and on top of that the Athenians, and among their men Polycritus the Aeginetian and the Athenians Eumenes the Anagyrasian and Ameinies the Pallenian, he who in fact pursued after Artemisie. Now, if he had learned that Artemisie was sailing on that vessel, he would not have stopped before he had captured her or maybe he himself had been captured. For to the rulers of the triremes among the Athenians a bidding had been given, and in addition also a prize was offered, ten thousand drachmas for whoever captured her alive, as they were considering something awful for a woman to advance with an army against Athens. That one indeed, as has been said previously, fled off, and all the rest too, whose ships had come to be survivors, were in Phalerum.

Now, Adeimantus, the Corinthian general, the Athenians say, immediately at the beginning, when the ships were joining battle, bewildered and excessively frightened, after he had raised his sails for himself, fled and was gone, and the Corinthians, when they had seen that the general’s vessel was fleeing, in the same way was gone. And, when after all in their flight they were coming to be in Salaminian country off the shrine of Athena Sciras, there encountered them a fast boat by divine sending, which neither anyone sent manifestly nor, while the Corinthians knew anything of the affairs of the host, was borne to them. So, this way they reckon the matter was divine: namely, when it had come to be near, those of the fast boat were saying this: “Adeimantus, you, having turned away your ships, have set off to flight in your betraying utterly the Greeks, but they even by now are winning all the mastery that they themselves were praying to gain over their enemies”. While they were saying that, because Adeimantus was not believing them, they were making a speech again, this speech, that they themselves were able to be led as hostages and undergo death, if the Greeks manifestly were not winning. Thus indeed he, having turned away the ship, and all the others at the deeds’ having been worked out went to the camp. Although those a report like that has through the agency of the Athenians, however, the Corinthians themselves at any rate speak not the like, but consider they themselves among the first in the naval battle to have proven, and the rest of Greece too bears witness to them.

Now, Aristeides, Lysimachus’ son, an Athenian man, whom in fact somewhat a little before I mentioned on the ground that he was the best man, that one, in the disorder that had come about round Salamis was doing this: having taken over many of the hoplites who were arranged along the shore of the Salaminian country and in birth were Athenians, to Psyttaleia, an island, he caused them to go away by his leading, those who killed off all the Persians on that islet.

Then, when the naval battle had been broken off, the Greeks, having drawn down all of the pieces of the shipwrecks that were in fact still there, were ready for another naval battle, because they were expecting the king would still make use of the surviving ships. Moreover, many of the pieces of the shipwrecks a west wind took up and was carrying in the Attic country to the sea-shore called Colian, so as for to be fulfilled all the rest of the oracle concerning that naval battle spoken by Bacis and Mousaeus and, in particular, about the pieces of the shipwrecks that had been carried off there what had been said many years earlier than that in an oracle by Lysistratus, an Athenian man, an oracle-monger, that had escaped notice of all the Greeks:

Then Colian women with rowing oars will cook.

That then was to be, after the king had driven away.

So Xerxes, when he had learned of the suffering that had come about, in fear lest one of the Ionians should suggest to the Greeks or they themselves should have in mind to sail to the Hellespont to break the bridges and he, trapped in Europe, should run the risk of being destroyed, was counselling flight, but, because he wished not to be openly clear to either the Greeks or those of his, through to Salamis he was trying to mound up a mound; both Phoenician merchant vessels he was tying together, that they might be in the place of a pontoon and a wall, and he was preparing for war as if he would engage in another naval battle. Then all the others, seeing that he was doing that, “knew” well that with his whole mind he had prepared himself, since he was staying, to wage war, but of Mardonius none of that was escaping the notice on the ground that he was most experienced in that one’s thinking.

At the same time Xerxes was doing that and sending to the Persians one to announce the misfortune that was on hand for them. Now, than those messengers of theirs there is nothing that comes to be present more quickly that is mortal; thus by the Persians that has been found out. For they say that of however many days the whole way is, that many horses and men stand at intervals, at each way of a day a horse as well as a man stationed, whom neither snowfall, no rain, no heat, no night keeps from accomplishing the course put forth for a one the quickest way. Indeed the first to run gives over what has been enjoined to the second, and the second to the third. And thereafter by now by the way of another and another it goes through and out in its being given over, precisely according as is the Greeks’ torchbearing that for Hephaestus they bring to completion. That running of horses the Persians call angareion.

When indeed the first message to Susa had come that Xerxes had Athens, it delighted those of the Persians left behind somewhat indeed so that all the ways with myrtle branches they strewed and were burning as incense kinds of incense and themselves were engaged in sacrifices and enjoyments, and when the second message for them had gone in afterwards, it was so confounding them that their tunics all ripped utterly, of endless shouting and wailing were making use, while they were putting Mardonius in blame. Not so much, then, because they were vexed concerning the ships were the Persians doing that as because they were fearing concerning Xerxes himself.

And concerning the Persians that was during all the intervening time as it came to be until Xerxes himself came and stopped them, and Mardonius, seeing that Xerxes was considering the misfortune great in consequence of the naval battle and suspecting that he was counselling flight from Athens, when he had thought with himself that he would pay the penalty because he had convinced the king to advance with an army against Greece and for him it was better run up a risk of either conquering Greece or his meeting the end of his life beautifully after he had been in suspense about great matters (however, the opinion of his was more that he would conquer Greece), when then he had taken account of that, he was bringing forth this speech: “Master, stop being pained and considering the misfortune a great one because this affair that has happened. For not of pieces of wood is for us the competition that bears the whole, but of men and horses. Moreover, you no one either of those who think that they have conquered the whole for themselves by now, having gone out of the ships, will try to oppose or from this mainland. In short, they who opposed us have paid the penalty. Now, if it seems good, immediately let us make trial of the Peloponnese, and if in fact it seems good to hold up, it is possible to do that. But stop being dispirited; for for the Greeks there is no way of escaping from giving an accounting for what they did now and previously and from being your slaves. Now, best of all, do that former deed, and if after all by you counsel has been taken that you yourself should drive away and lead away your host, even after this I have another counsel. You the Persians, king, make not to prove laughed at by the Greeks; for none of your affairs on the Persians’ part has been harmed for you and you will not say where we have proven bad men and, if the Phoenicians, the Egyptians, the Cyprians and the Cilicians have proven bad, that suffering is related to the Persians not at all. By now therefore, since the Persians are not the cause for you, obey me: if it has seemed good to you not to remain near, drive you away to the abodes of yourself and lead away your host’s greater part and I to you must furnish Greece enslaved, after thirty myriads of your army I have selected for myself”.

Having heard that, Xerxes, as one after evils, rejoiced and took pleasure, and before Mardonius he was asserting that, after he had taken counsel for himself, he would answer which of the two of those deeds he would do. Then, when he was taking counsel for himself together with those of the Persians called on, it seemed good for him also to send for Artemisie for advice, in that previously she manifestly alone had in mind what had to be done. So, when Artemisie had come, having removed all the others, the advisers among the Persians and the lance-bearers, Xerxes said this: “Mardonius bids me to remain in the very place and make trial of of the Peloponnese and says that for me the Persians and their foot army are partners in the causing of no suffering; rather, of them willingly there would be a showing forth. Therefore either me he bids do that or he himself is willing, after he has selected thirty myriads of the army for himself, to furnish to me Greece enslaved and bids me myself to drive away with the army left to my abodes. You therefore me, because in fact concerning the naval battle that has been waged you advised well, since you were not allowing engaging in it, now advise by doing which of the two deeds I should light on having taken counsel well for myself”.

He was asking for that advice and she said this: “King, although it is difficult to him who asks for advice in fact for her to speak the best speech, however, in view of the present situation it seems good to me for you yourself to drive away back and Mardonius, if he is willing and undertakes to do that latter deed, in the very place to leave behind with those whom he wants. For, on the one hand, if he subjects what he asserts he is willing and for him it goes forward what he has in mind and says, yours the deed, o master, proves, because your slaves performed the working out, and, on the other, if the opposite of Mardonius’ opinion comes about, no great misfortune it will be, while you are a survivor and those affairs concerning your house. For, if you are a survivor as well as is your house, often in many competitions the Greeks will run concerning themselves. So, of Mardonius, if he suffers anything, no accounting comes to be and, if the Greeks win a victory, they win not, because they have destroyed your slave, while you, after you have set on fire Athens, that for which you engaged in your expedition, will drive away”.

Xerxes indeed took pleasure in the advice; for she lit on saying precisely what he himself was having in mind. For not even if all men and all women had advised him to remain, would he have remained, as far as it seems to me; thus utterly frightened was he. So, having praised Artemisie, he dispatched that one away who was leading his children to Ephesus; for some bastard children were following with him.

Then he was sending with his children as a guard Hermotimus, who in birth was a Pedasian and was not winning the second place among the eunuchs at the court of the king. The Pedasians then are settled inland of Halicarnessus and in that Pedasa a matter like this happens to come about: whenever for all their neighbors who are settled round that city anything difficult within a time is to be, at that time the priestess of Athena in that very place grows a large beard. That then for them has come about twice by now.

Of those Pedasians indeed Hermotimus was, for whom, after he had been done wrong, the greatest retribution by then came about of all whom we know of. For, when he had been captured by enemies and was being sold, Panionius, a Chian man, bought him, who had established for himself his living from the most unholy works; for, whenever he acquired children who had attained looks, after he had performed castration, he was bringing them to Sardis and Ephesus and selling them for much money. For among the barbarians eunuchs are more honored because of their complete trustworthiness than those with testicles. Indeed Panionius castrated many others, seeing that he was earning his living out of that, and, in particular, that one. And, because Hermotimus was not unfortunate in all things, he came from Sardis to the king with other gifts and, as time went forward, of all the eunuchs he was honored most at Xerxes’ court.

Then, when the king was setting in motion the Persian armed force against Athens, while he was in Sardis, thereupon Hermotimus, having gone down for such and such a matter to the land in Mysie that the Chians inhabit and is called Atarneus, found Panionius there. So, since he had recognized him, he was saying before him many friendly speeches, first in recounting to him all the good things that he himself had on account of him and second in promising to him in return for those all the good things he would do to him, if, after he had conveyed the members of his household, he was settled in that land, so as for Panionius, having received in his speeches gladly, to convey his offspring and his wife. Then, when, after all, with his whole house of him he had taken hold entirely, Hermotimus was saying this: “O you who of all men by now most from the most unholy works have acquired a livelihood, what evil had I against you, either myself and any of mine, worked out, either against you or any of yours, in that me instead of a man you made to be nothing? In short, you were thinking that it would escape the notice of gods what kinds of contrivances you were making then, of them who, making use of just law, brought you, because you had done unholy deeds, down into my hands so as for you not to be going to find fault with the justice that will be yours from me”. And, when he had cast that reproach on him, after his children had been brought to sight, Panionius was compelled of his own children, being four, to cut off the pudenda, and he, being compelled, was doing that, and his, when he had worked that out, his children, being compelled, were cutting off. Now, thus round Panionius went retribution and Hermotimus.

Then Xerxes, when he had entrusted his children to Artemisie to bring away to Ephesus, after he had called Mardonius, was bidding him select whom of the host he wanted and make his deeds similar to his speeches by his trying. During that day what was happening came to be at that great a point, but in the night at the king’s bidding the generals were bringing away the ships from Phalerum back to the Hellespont in which state of quickness each was to thoroughly guard the pontoons for the king to make his way. So, when the barbarians were near Zoster in their sailng, because thin promontories of the mainland were stretching out there, they thought they were ships and were fleeing over a large extent. Then having learned in time that they were not ships but promontories, they were gathered together and were conveying themselves.

So, when it was coming to be day, the Greeks, seeing the foot army was remaining in place, were supposing the ships were also round Phalerum; they both were thinking that they would fight a naval battle and were preparing with the intention that they would resist. Then, when they had learned by inquiry that the ships were gone, immediately after that it was thought good to perform a pursuit after. Now, the nautical army of Xerxes they looked not on, after they had given pursuit up to Andros, and, when they had come to Andros, they were taking counsel for themselves. Now, Themistocles was showing forth for himself an opinion that, after they turned themselves through the islands and pursued after the ships, they should sail straightway to the Hellespont to break the bridges, while Eurybiades was taking as a position for himself the opinion contrary to that one by saying that, if they would break the pontoons, with that the greatest evil of all they would work out against Greece, because, if the Persian, trapped, should be compelled to remain in Europe, he would try not to maintain quiet, as for him, if he maintained quiet, neither would any of his affairs be able to go forward nor would any way of conveyance back appear—in short by famine the host of his would be destroyed—and to him, if he laid hands on and set to work, all down through Greece would be able to go forth, city by city and nation by nation, either indeed surely when they were being captured or before that when they were making an agreement; in short, as nourishment they would have the annual produce of the Greeks on each and every occasion; rather, because he thought the Persian, defeated in a naval battle, would not remain in Europe, therefore they had to allow him to flee until he should go in his fleeing to his own land. So thereafter concerning that one’s land by then engage in the competition he was bidding, and there were clinging to that opinion also all the other Peloponnesians’ generals.

Then, when Themistocles had learned that he would not persuade the greater number at any rate to sail to the Hellespont, having changed position, to the Athenians, because those were most aggrieved at their having escaped and were minded to sail to the Helespont even in having cast the matter for themselves on themselves, if all the others wanted not, he was saying this: “I both myself by now have come to be at many events and have heard far more have come to be like this, namely in which men, brought to necessity, when they were defeated, refought and repaired their earlier badness. Let us then, because as a find we have found ourselves and Greece in having thrust back so large a cloud of human beings, not pursue men who are fleeing, because we have not worked this out, but gods and heroes, who envied one man’s becoming king of Asia and Europe, when he was unholy and presumptuous, who was considering shrines and private places in a similar situation, as he was burning up and throwing down the gods’ images, who also had whipped away at the sea and let go down fetters, but, since it is good for us at the moment that is on hand, now let us stay behind in Greece and have a care for ourselves and the members of our house, and let everyone rebuild home and give heed to sowing, when he has completely driven away the barbarian, and together with spring let us sail down towards the Hellespont and Ionia”. He was saying that, because he was to lay up a store with the Persian that, if, after all, any suffering befell him on the part of the Athenians, he might have a refuge, precisely what then actually happened.

Themistocles in saying that was trying to deceive, and the Athenians were obeying; for, after, when even before he had been thought to be wise, he manifestly had been truly wise and good in counsel, in every way they were ready to obey him when he was speaking. So, when those had been convinced by him, immediately after that Themistocles was sending away men with a boat, in whom he was putting trust to be silent, although they came to every kind of trial, in respect to what he himself had enjoined to point out to the king, among whom in fact Sicinnus, the member of his house, again came to be. When they had come to the Attic land, the group were staying behind on the boat, and Sicinnus went up to Xerxes and was saying this: “There sent me Themistocles, Neoclees’ son, a general of the Athenians and a man of all the allies best and wisest, to point out to you that Themistocles the Athenian, wanting to work out a service for you, held up the Greeks when they wanted to pursue your ships and to break the bridges on the Hellespont. And now at much ease convey yourself”.

(to be continued)

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